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ECONOMICS UNIQUENESS

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GOVERNANCE IN HISTORIC CITY CORE REGENERATION PROJECTS ■ 173<br />

• Erected theaters and cultural facilities; and<br />

• Provided aff ordable housing to retain part of the local population and attract<br />

new residents.<br />

Th e project attracted private investors who undertook their own projects<br />

triggered by the substantial investments in public infrastructure, public safety,<br />

and heritage preservation undertaken by the ECHQ. Table 6.5 shows the mix of<br />

investments that took place in the historic city core of Quito. Th ese results indicate<br />

that Quito has succeeded in tackling the governance challenge of coordinating<br />

the actions among an array of stakeholders, as well as raising private-sector<br />

funding for the commercial components of the project. Th rough the activities of<br />

the public-private corporation, the municipality managed to greatly expand the<br />

scope of economic values put into play in the conservation of the historic city<br />

core, putting heritage assets to a wide variety of uses.<br />

Results<br />

Although it is not possible using a retroactive assessment of project experience<br />

to establish direct causality between the governance issues in the four<br />

cities’ conservation eff orts and some of the results of those eff orts, a handful<br />

of observations are worth mentioning. From the governance perspective, the<br />

conservation strategies that managed to mobilize and engage the interest of a<br />

wider group of actors are those of Oaxaca and Quito. In both cities, the conservation<br />

process could adapt and create new uses for urban heritage assets<br />

that, on top of having retained their historic, aesthetic, spiritual, and social<br />

values, also have economic use and non-use values. Th ese assets are occupied<br />

and maintained by a variety of enterprises, households, consumers, and public<br />

and private institutions, contributing to the sustainability of the conservation.<br />

Th e greater range and mix of social and economic activities found in the historic<br />

city core are seen in the presence of residential, commercial, and institutional<br />

land uses. As it can be observed in fi gure 6.7, Oaxaca and Quito have<br />

more institutional (public and private) and residential land uses than Salvador<br />

and Valparaiso.<br />

Th e sustainability of the conservation process is attributed, in part, to the<br />

greater diversifi cation and mix of uses and users of the historic city core, and, in<br />

part, to the fi nancing scheme, which does not depend on the fortunes of only one<br />

activity or the budget allocation of a sole institution. Th e expansion of the residential<br />

land uses also brings stability to the process, generating demand for local<br />

commerce and other services catering to the resident community. In contrast,<br />

the number of residents decreased in Valparaiso and Salvador, which further<br />

depressed the demand for local commerce and services.

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