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ECONOMICS UNIQUENESS

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INVESTING IN THE SENSE OF PLACE ■ 35<br />

dimension, it is thus important to include mechanisms to align private incentives<br />

with social objectives.<br />

Externalities, Self-Correcting and Otherwise<br />

As shown above, decentralized investment decisions lead to insuffi cient investment<br />

and excessive demolition. While the fi rst externality can somehow take care<br />

of itself, the second one is bound to lead to a socially suboptimal outcome. Th e<br />

self-correcting externality concerns the level of private spending on upgrading or<br />

replacing properties without architectural value. As discussed above, this spending<br />

gradually converges to the level that maximizes collective profi ts. Initially,<br />

local residents and outside investors spend less, because they take spending by<br />

others as given. But eventually, as others upgrade their properties and construct<br />

new buildings, they also adjust their own spending level upwards. In terms of the<br />

analysis above, their individual spending gradually increases from I i<br />

1 to Ii *. It is<br />

important for the authorities to take this gradual increase in private investment<br />

into consideration when appraising an urban upgrading project, but unless they<br />

want to speed up the convergence process, they do not need to take action.<br />

On the other hand, there is no self-correcting mechanism in the case of renovation.<br />

While the socially optimal choice may involve preserving some or all of<br />

the buildings with architectural value, this is unlikely to happen spontaneously.<br />

Th e local residents and outside investors who own those buildings face no incentive<br />

to preserve and renovate them. Th ey might not have considered spending any<br />

resources on them in the absence of the project. But the prospect of improved<br />

urban infrastructure and the fi nance provided by transfers T i from the project may<br />

lead them to invest. Th eir investment could well include demolishing old structures<br />

and replacing them with newer ones, or altering the old structures in ways that<br />

undermine their character. Th erefore, even if substantial spending R on renovation<br />

is foreseen by the authorities, by the time the project reaches the implementation<br />

phase there could be no buildings with architectural value left to be renovated.<br />

Th e second externality from private sector behavior could be overcome if<br />

there were a single investor for the entire area, who would then internalize the<br />

eff ects of demolition. Unfortunately, there are not many examples of this happening<br />

in practice. Th e SoHo (South of Houston Street) neighborhood in New<br />

York and the Art Deco district in Miami are among the few coming close. In<br />

both cases, a single outside investor (Tony Goldman) bought a critical mass of<br />

property, which supported an unusual combination of architectural preservation<br />

and profi t maximization. In recognition for this accomplishment, the National<br />

Trust for Historic Preservation awarded him its highest distinction in 2010. But<br />

even in those two relatively extreme examples, the mass of property bought by<br />

the investor amounted to only a fraction of the area. Given the shortage of known

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