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Hindko and Gujari. c - SIL International

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138<br />

Calinda E. Hallberg <strong>and</strong> Clare F. O’Leary<br />

of Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan, former Chief Minister of the<br />

North-West Frontier Province, were the Gujars given rights to<br />

l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> forest. At that time, the Mittikot Gujars obtained the<br />

l<strong>and</strong> near their winter settlement. The l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> forest in the upper<br />

area, however, are still owned by Swati l<strong>and</strong>lords from Balakot.<br />

In exchange for the use of the l<strong>and</strong>, the Gujars must give a<br />

certain amount of livestock, produce, field labor, <strong>and</strong> household<br />

service to the l<strong>and</strong>lords each year (Arif 1987). 28<br />

The Gujars were traditionally nomadic herdsmen of goats<br />

<strong>and</strong> sheep. When they settled in Mittikot, they took up<br />

agriculture. They have also since shifted toward raising<br />

buffaloes. In 1986, only nine families had flocks of goats <strong>and</strong><br />

sheep. Most families have just a few animals. Arif (1987)<br />

explains that the population in Mittikot is growing <strong>and</strong> the Gujars<br />

there are not able to subsist on just their crops <strong>and</strong> livestock.<br />

Therefore, most families are engaged in wood cutting. Both<br />

adults <strong>and</strong> children, male <strong>and</strong> female, collect wood <strong>and</strong> carry it<br />

… the Pathan tribe of Tarins acquired a large portion of the rights<br />

of the elder Gujar families in the Hazara plain; <strong>and</strong> the Urmanzais,<br />

whom the remaining Gujars called across the Indus to Tarbela in<br />

order to strengthen their position, obtained possession by mortgage<br />

<strong>and</strong> sale of much of the l<strong>and</strong> belonging to those who invited their<br />

aid (1908:123).<br />

A weak tribe would find its territory the subject of harassing<br />

dem<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> attacks from some poor but braver tribe in the<br />

vicinity. Unable to defend itself unaided, it would call its<br />

neighbours to help. To them it would give l<strong>and</strong> in payment for their<br />

arms, <strong>and</strong> on a service tenure subordinate to the old lords. But in<br />

the course of time the latter would become more effete, while their<br />

retainers would grow more numerous <strong>and</strong> exacting in their<br />

dem<strong>and</strong>s, <strong>and</strong> so gradually the original tribe would be entirely<br />

supplanted (1908:123).<br />

28 Ahmed (1986:108-9) in his description of Hazara ethnicity explains<br />

that the Swat Pathans pushed the Gujars from the forests <strong>and</strong> fertile valleys up<br />

to the less arable hilltops. The Swatis as well as the Sayyeds became dominant,<br />

<strong>and</strong> groups such as the Awans <strong>and</strong> Gujars became the dominated. “Hazara<br />

society has created stereotypes for each group, <strong>and</strong> the individual is expected to<br />

behave accordingly … a Swati Pathan must be aggressive, a Sayyed must be<br />

gentle, <strong>and</strong> an Awan or Gujar must ‘know his place’ (i.e., be humble) … Gujars<br />

are considered the most lowly …”(1986:108).

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