Hindko and Gujari. c - SIL International

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Calinda E. Hallberg and Clare F. O’Leary
these data, it is apparent that Urdu is not making inroads into the
domains of family and peer usage; Gujars maintain the use of
Gujari except when they are forced to use a more widely spoken
language in order to communicate with non-Gujars.
4.2.4 Urdu Proficiency of Peshmal Women
Testing of Gujar women in Peshmal was restricted to the
home environment. Thus, it was possible to test only half as
many women as men. Twenty Peshmal women participated in
bilingualism testing there, working with female researchers in a
home setting. However, only eleven of these twenty were willing
to attempt the Urdu SRT; the others claimed that they had no
knowlege of Urdu and did not wish to participate. The
distribution of these subjects according to age consequently does
not represent the wider female population: there are no teenage
subjects, eight women are in their twenties, one in her thirties
and two older women over forty. All of the women are
uneducated, which is consistent with the census reports for this
area. 37 Thus, the potential effect of education or age on women’s
Urdu SRT scores could not be investigated.
The scores range from a low of 0, below even minimal
proficiency, to a high of 22, representing level 2 RPE
proficiency, adequate for basic needs when projected on the RPE
scale. The distribution of Peshmal women’s Urdu SRT scores are
listed below in figure (15).
37 According to the Gush census of 1987, only one female was reported to
have any education, a thirteen-year-old with five years of schooling.