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Radioactive Waste Disposal at Sea: Public Ideas ... - IMO

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158 Chapter 9<br />

although they assume th<strong>at</strong> st<strong>at</strong>es sometimes might have joint interests. 6 For<br />

neoliberals, regimes coordin<strong>at</strong>e interactions among st<strong>at</strong>es pursuing selfinterest.<br />

Robert Keohane’s definition of cooper<strong>at</strong>ion as the theoretical<br />

altern<strong>at</strong>ive to “harmony” emphasizes voluntarism and individual gains;<br />

st<strong>at</strong>es cooper<strong>at</strong>e because it provides them with egoistic gains or rewards. 7<br />

Ide<strong>at</strong>ional power, however, can stimul<strong>at</strong>e collective action and thereby<br />

provide a common, r<strong>at</strong>her than individual, good. 8 Moreover, and also<br />

important, “harmony” does not guarantee th<strong>at</strong> cooper<strong>at</strong>ion among<br />

n<strong>at</strong>ions emerges spontaneously or th<strong>at</strong> influence need not be exercised. 9<br />

Deliber<strong>at</strong>e initi<strong>at</strong>ives aimed <strong>at</strong> discovering common interests and values<br />

and assisting st<strong>at</strong>es in identifying joint interests are often necessary in order<br />

to realize the potential for cooper<strong>at</strong>ion given by a certain set of st<strong>at</strong>e objectives<br />

and interests.<br />

Land-locked st<strong>at</strong>es excluded, st<strong>at</strong>es share an interest in radi<strong>at</strong>ion-free<br />

oceans. 10 But, as was pointed out in chapter 7, realist and neoliberal students<br />

of intern<strong>at</strong>ional rel<strong>at</strong>ions have paid little <strong>at</strong>tention to ideas th<strong>at</strong> can make<br />

st<strong>at</strong>es define their interests in ways th<strong>at</strong> enhance cooper<strong>at</strong>ion. These students<br />

would doubt th<strong>at</strong> a change of intern<strong>at</strong>ional public opinion, <strong>at</strong> least as long<br />

as powerful st<strong>at</strong>es ignored it, could have a significant impact on a regime<br />

and on the way in which st<strong>at</strong>es defined their interests. But the radwaste issue<br />

had to be constructed before st<strong>at</strong>es’ interests could be identified. Moreover,<br />

it is insufficient to characterize st<strong>at</strong>es’ interests as purely individualistic and<br />

competitive when they agreed to ban radwaste disposal.<br />

Why did scientific knowledge play an insignificant role in this regime<br />

change? First, scientific consensus did not support a global radwaste disposal<br />

ban; second, there was no significant change in the science in regard<br />

to dumping of low-level nuclear waste during the change. For these two<br />

reasons, the epistemic-community approach is not able to explain the case<br />

adequ<strong>at</strong>ely.<br />

It should be noted th<strong>at</strong> public opinion and ENGOs were on approxim<strong>at</strong>ely<br />

the same side of the radwaste disposal issue, whereas scientific<br />

experts held a very different view. The epistemic-community approach<br />

largely ignores ENGOs and the public-opinion variable; this is unfortun<strong>at</strong>e,<br />

since public opinion, ENGOs, and scientists all supported stringent environmental<br />

protection in the cases examined by epistemic-community analysts:<br />

Mediterranean pollution, ozone layer depletion, and protection of whales. 11

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