Radioactive Waste Disposal at Sea: Public Ideas ... - IMO
Radioactive Waste Disposal at Sea: Public Ideas ... - IMO
Radioactive Waste Disposal at Sea: Public Ideas ... - IMO
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Explaining Regime Change 167<br />
company DuPont opposed regul<strong>at</strong>ing CFCs as this would hurt the company<br />
economically, but DuPont l<strong>at</strong>er urged regul<strong>at</strong>ion as this would serve<br />
its long-term economic interests. 23 Generally, different distributions of losers<br />
and winners cre<strong>at</strong>e different opportunities for building and sustaining<br />
n<strong>at</strong>ional and transn<strong>at</strong>ional coalitions.<br />
Third, ENGOs influence regime development by monitoring environmental<br />
commitments of st<strong>at</strong>es. For example, in the case of the endangered<br />
species trade regime (CITES), the World Wide Fund for N<strong>at</strong>ure (WWF) has<br />
conducted monitoring and some degree of enforcement (Princen et al. 1994,<br />
pp. 217–236). 24 ENGOs are an important part of environmental governance<br />
on an intern<strong>at</strong>ional scale, and as possessors of local knowledge they<br />
provide governments with useful inform<strong>at</strong>ion. One Norwegian politician<br />
said the following about Bellona (an ENGO monitoring the nuclear waste<br />
situ<strong>at</strong>ion in the northwestern part of Russia): “Bellona is a supplement and<br />
has shown th<strong>at</strong> a voluntary organiz<strong>at</strong>ion enters environments and gets<br />
inform<strong>at</strong>ion not available to a public authority. For this reason, I believe in<br />
continuing the cooper<strong>at</strong>ion between priv<strong>at</strong>e and public organiz<strong>at</strong>ions.”<br />
(M<strong>at</strong>hismoen 1994; transl<strong>at</strong>ion by L. Ringius) ENGOs also gener<strong>at</strong>e inform<strong>at</strong>ion<br />
on compliance and noncompliance, which they use to gre<strong>at</strong> effect,<br />
and ENGO monitoring may compel st<strong>at</strong>es to revise their policies. For example,<br />
ENGO monitoring in the Antarctic was followed by protests th<strong>at</strong> pressured<br />
the French government to shelve its plans to build an airstrip (Laws<br />
1990, pp. 121–149).<br />
The radwaste disposal ban demonstr<strong>at</strong>es th<strong>at</strong> monitoring by ENGOs<br />
is significant and th<strong>at</strong> ENGOs gener<strong>at</strong>e inform<strong>at</strong>ion on compliance and<br />
noncompliance, which they use to gre<strong>at</strong> effect in global environmental<br />
politics. As discussed above, other studies also ascribe importance to<br />
ENGO monitoring. The issue deserves to be examined more fully, and it<br />
could become apparent th<strong>at</strong> this source of influence depends on combin<strong>at</strong>ions<br />
of the specific n<strong>at</strong>ure of individual environmental issues and<br />
ENGOs. ENGOs’ monitoring capability should be expected to be highly<br />
dependent on their organiz<strong>at</strong>ional resources. Also, the scope of environmental<br />
problems may facilit<strong>at</strong>e or reduce monitoring by ENGOs. For<br />
example, as early as the 1920s experts considered it very difficult to detect<br />
oil slicks and to link them with the responsible tanker (Mitchell 1994, p.<br />
446). It is also evident th<strong>at</strong> obstructing and boycotting st<strong>at</strong>es’ environmental<br />
policies is not always possible. For example, Norwegians generally