Radioactive Waste Disposal at Sea: Public Ideas ... - IMO
Radioactive Waste Disposal at Sea: Public Ideas ... - IMO
Radioactive Waste Disposal at Sea: Public Ideas ... - IMO
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Explaining Regime Change 163<br />
Scholars have paid special <strong>at</strong>tention to the importance of civil society.<br />
Paul Wapner (1995), who focuses primarily on ENGOs’ involvement in<br />
civil societies and markets, emphasizes th<strong>at</strong> their impact on government<br />
policies is only a minor facet of their political and ideological impact on<br />
global politics. He takes a sociological approach to how ENGOs dissemin<strong>at</strong>e<br />
an ecological sensibility, pressure corpor<strong>at</strong>ions, or empower local<br />
communities, and thereby change world politics. Because he focuses on<br />
extra-st<strong>at</strong>e spheres, Wapner makes only implicit claims about st<strong>at</strong>e-ENGO<br />
rel<strong>at</strong>ionships; however, he suggests th<strong>at</strong> ENGOs influence st<strong>at</strong>es through<br />
such activities.<br />
Ronnie Lipschutz also emphasizes the importance of global civil society.<br />
He sees Greenpeace as one participant in the networks of global civil society,<br />
and regimes as serving “the specific interests of st<strong>at</strong>e and governments”<br />
(Lipschutz 1992, p. 397). Accordingly, ENGOs would play an insignificant<br />
role within the global dumping regime, while st<strong>at</strong>es would use the regime<br />
to realize their interests. As chapter 8 demonstr<strong>at</strong>ed, however, these propositions<br />
are not supported in the case of the radwaste disposal ban.<br />
Kal Raustiala, who focuses on ENGOs’ particip<strong>at</strong>ion in intern<strong>at</strong>ional<br />
environmental diplomacy, claims th<strong>at</strong> ENGOs do not supersede st<strong>at</strong>es in<br />
intern<strong>at</strong>ional environmental politics. His explan<strong>at</strong>ion of how st<strong>at</strong>es benefit<br />
from ENGOs’ particip<strong>at</strong>ion in environmental negoti<strong>at</strong>ions and regimes<br />
combines functionalism, neoinstitutionalism, and r<strong>at</strong>ionalism. His main<br />
assertions—th<strong>at</strong> “the specific forms of NGO particip<strong>at</strong>ion granted are system<strong>at</strong>ically<br />
linked to the specialized resources NGOs possess” and th<strong>at</strong><br />
st<strong>at</strong>es gain advantages from NGOs’ particip<strong>at</strong>ion—cre<strong>at</strong>e a challenge for<br />
other studies concerned with ENGOs (Raustiala 1997, p. 734). Raustiala<br />
identifies six ways in which ENGOs might assist governments involved in<br />
environmental negoti<strong>at</strong>ions and intern<strong>at</strong>ional institutions: policy research,<br />
monitoring of st<strong>at</strong>e commitments, “fire alarms,” negoti<strong>at</strong>ions reporting,<br />
revealing the “win-set,” and facilit<strong>at</strong>ing r<strong>at</strong>ific<strong>at</strong>ion. He would expect th<strong>at</strong><br />
st<strong>at</strong>es benefited from and controlled ENGOs’ particip<strong>at</strong>ion when the global<br />
ocean dumping regime changed to emphasize precaution and prevention in<br />
regard to radwaste disposal. But again, these propositions about ENGOs’<br />
particip<strong>at</strong>ion in intern<strong>at</strong>ional environmental diplomacy are not confirmed<br />
in the case of the global radwaste ban.<br />
In their co-edited volume Environmental NGOs in World Politics,<br />
Thomas Princen and M<strong>at</strong>thias Finger comprehensively critique realism and