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1 The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign ...

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<strong>The</strong>re are many elements that contribute to the makeup of a political team such as<br />

neighbors, schools, experience. That’s how the transition teams were put together <strong>and</strong> the<br />

transition involved writing papers, speeches, laying out agendas <strong>for</strong> the work of the<br />

incoming government. I was a part of that process. It was very clear that they wanted, in<br />

my case, to send me to the <strong>for</strong>mer Soviet Union, either to Moscow or Kyiv. Tom<br />

Pickering, my good friend, went to Moscow. I went to Kyiv.<br />

Q: While you were working on this transition <strong>and</strong> all this, what – Strobe Talbott was sort<br />

of the major <strong>for</strong>ce in looking at the <strong>for</strong>mer Soviet Union, was he, sort of? What was the<br />

feeling? What could we do there?<br />

MILLER: Well, he <strong>and</strong> Clinton, both believed that the new Russia could become a<br />

positive <strong>for</strong>ce <strong>for</strong> stability. Conversely, if it didn’t receive assistance <strong>and</strong> some direction,<br />

particularly to continue the control <strong>and</strong> reduction of nuclear weapons, that it could be a<br />

<strong>for</strong>ce <strong>for</strong> instability. <strong>The</strong> believed that it was a crucial, highest priority to deal with the<br />

<strong>for</strong>mer Soviet Union. <strong>The</strong>y created, structurally, in the government, a separate State<br />

Department bureau. Bureaucratically, you know how hard that is. <strong>The</strong>y carved out of<br />

EUR the <strong>for</strong>mer Soviet Union. To staff this new bureau, Strobe <strong>and</strong> President Clinton<br />

chose all of the key players. Many were from the <strong>Foreign</strong> Service ranks but not all, <strong>and</strong><br />

they wanted the new bureau to have direction, from the President through Strobe.<br />

Clinton’s vision was that he could work with the new leadership, with Yeltsin <strong>and</strong> his<br />

group because they were part of the dynamics that had changed, that ended the Soviet<br />

Union.<br />

Q: Were you getting – when they processed (ph) these early days, with people either in<br />

the State Department or within your transmission group or something, who were<br />

uncom<strong>for</strong>table with Yeltsin?<br />

MILLER: Yes, from the outset there were people who were sentimental about the<br />

Gorbachevian approach <strong>and</strong> would have preferred that, but that wasn’t an option. <strong>The</strong><br />

Gorbachev option was closed off by Gorbachev himself <strong>and</strong> the leadership actions of the<br />

Soviet coup group.<br />

[END TAPE]<br />

Q: This is tape nine, side one with Bill Miller. You were saying with Yeltsin …<br />

MILLER: Yes, Yeltsin’s group was able enough, open enough <strong>and</strong> had worked with our<br />

official people <strong>and</strong> some of our NGOs throughout the perestroika period, so the Clinton<br />

administration was able to deal with them directly immediately. <strong>The</strong>re was a belief that<br />

the United States <strong>and</strong> the West could have considerable influence, which was the case.<br />

Some of it un<strong>for</strong>tunately wasn’t of the highest quality, but, on the whole, certainly on the<br />

issues of arms control <strong>and</strong> nuclear arms control, the dangers, that side of equation, were<br />

taken care of quite well. <strong>The</strong> underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the difficulties of the economic transition<br />

170

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