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1 The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign ...

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ships within their agreed percentage as barter payments <strong>for</strong> gas <strong>and</strong> oil to the Russians,<br />

<strong>and</strong> that was to be the basis of the negotiations.<br />

On the issue of bases <strong>for</strong> the Russians, the Ukrainians simply said, "Your presence here is<br />

awkward. We'll let you stay even 50 years, but you're here as renters, <strong>and</strong> we will<br />

negotiate the rent. It's our territory. <strong>The</strong>re are historic reasons why you're staying. We<br />

don't like it, but we can't get you out."<br />

Q: A bit like Guantanamo Bay.<br />

MILLER: It is. Guantanamo is a very good analogy <strong>for</strong> Sevastopol. As difficult as the<br />

basing issue in Sevastopol was, it was less difficult than the larger one I referred to<br />

earlier: <strong>The</strong> Independent Republic of Crimea. Yuri Meshkov, was elected president, by<br />

referendum of the independent republic. Ukraine did not accord any legitimacy to the<br />

referendum or to the newly declared republic. With the approval of the Ukrainian<br />

government, I went to meet with President Meshkov in Simferopol, the capital of Crimea.<br />

I was the first official American to visit Crimea under the independent circumstances, <strong>and</strong><br />

certainly the first official to meet with Meshkov. It was an astonishing, if bizarre first<br />

meeting. He had an armed guard that surrounded him wherever he went of eight<br />

paratroopers dressed in combat fatigues, field boots <strong>and</strong> armed with loaded Kalashnikovs.<br />

We met in his office, sat opposite each other in the middle of a very long table. Meshkov<br />

was flanked by his Prime Minister <strong>and</strong> Minister of Finance. He was very nervous. He read<br />

from a prepared statement asking <strong>for</strong> the support of the United States <strong>for</strong> the independent<br />

republic from Ukraine. I answered his <strong>for</strong>mal greeting with courtesy, I hope, <strong>and</strong> a very<br />

direct opening that said, "I'm the ambassador to the sovereign state of Ukraine, <strong>and</strong> I'm<br />

very pleased to be in Crimea, which is a very beautiful, historic part of Ukraine." Despite<br />

this opening difference, Meshkov was very welcoming <strong>and</strong> he was trying to explain how<br />

all this came about. We talked about many things, where he was from. He had some<br />

Crimean roots, but his closest ties were mostly Russia. His cabinet included some<br />

Russians economists that I knew in Moscow. <strong>The</strong> prime minister, so-called, Suvorov was<br />

his name, was one of the “new economists” in Moscow in the perestroika period. Some of<br />

the other economists were people I had run into while in Moscow.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Meshkov government was putting together a cabinet to run a country that obviously<br />

didn't have funds. <strong>The</strong>y were supported to some degree even publicly from Moscow<br />

through the party Meshkov led. It was a very tenuous situation, because in Simferopol,<br />

which is the capital of Crimea, there was also a governor of Crimea approved by Ukraine,<br />

who I also called on, as well as the Ukrainian police chief, <strong>and</strong> the comm<strong>and</strong>er of the<br />

Ukrainian armed <strong>for</strong>ces based in Crimea, the Ukrainian <strong>for</strong>ces. Meshkov survived <strong>for</strong><br />

about a year during which time I visited him several times. It was always interesting to<br />

meet with him in this state of suspended animation. Meshkov somehow thought that the<br />

United States would recognize his Republic of Independent Crimea as a sovereign state<br />

<strong>and</strong> that he would receive aid <strong>and</strong> assistance.<br />

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