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1 The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign ...

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Q: Was the question of authority here at all?<br />

MILLER: Yes. SS was a very lively cockpit of ideas, <strong>and</strong> we had the best in<strong>for</strong>mation,<br />

available because we’d get the full materials <strong>and</strong> evidence prepared <strong>for</strong> the briefings <strong>for</strong><br />

the secretary every night. Each night he would look at the reports of the bombing runs, of<br />

the Ho Chi Minh Trail, how many dead, how many bombs dropped, how many airplanes,<br />

etc. We would see all of this in<strong>for</strong>mation – the same data going to the Secretary. We<br />

knew exactly what the secretary was getting, <strong>and</strong> had a h<strong>and</strong> in preparing the material he<br />

was using, so we knew the official reality. This document <strong>and</strong> reality, was rein<strong>for</strong>ced by<br />

seeing the war on the ground during trips to Saigon <strong>and</strong> elsewhere, in Asia. We knew the<br />

views of our own highest officials like Ball <strong>and</strong> Bundy, <strong>and</strong> Hubert Humphrey <strong>and</strong> so<br />

many people; McNamara, of course, <strong>and</strong> the others who were going out to Vietnam<br />

repeatedly. So, we knew the reality, <strong>and</strong> the reality was far from what our leaders hoped it<br />

would be.<br />

Q: Was there the equivalent to almost a dissent channel, or was there anything of that<br />

nature?<br />

MILLER: Oh, yes. <strong>The</strong>re was a lot of dissent channeled. <strong>The</strong>re was easy <strong>and</strong> direct access<br />

to, in the case of Vietnam, to be able to talk to George Ball about Vietnam. I talked often<br />

to Ben Read about the contradictions between evidence <strong>and</strong> policy. I had good<br />

conversations with both Bill Bundy <strong>and</strong> Mac Bundy. <strong>The</strong>re was an internal debate. <strong>The</strong>re<br />

was no constraint about thinking or talking privately about Vietnam policy. <strong>The</strong>re was,<br />

however, the expectation of support <strong>for</strong> those who were carrying out policy. I did so until<br />

it became, in my case, intolerable, <strong>and</strong> I left, but that was after I had gone from SS to<br />

another assignment. President Johnson created by Executive Order a coordinating<br />

committee under George Ball. Lyndon Johnson fully supported the SIG (Senior<br />

Interagency Group) idea that all <strong>for</strong>eign policy issues at the deputy secretary level to be<br />

cleared <strong>and</strong> coordinated by State. It was the last time the State Department was in charge<br />

of <strong>for</strong>eign policy.<br />

Now, the case, of course, is that all the <strong>for</strong>eign policy <strong>and</strong> defense committees are chaired<br />

by the White House, <strong>and</strong> that’s been the case since Kissinger, but under Dean Rusk <strong>and</strong>,<br />

particularly, George Ball, the under secretaries committee h<strong>and</strong>led all the <strong>for</strong>eign policy<br />

except <strong>for</strong> those things that were being directly <strong>and</strong> personally addressed by President<br />

Johnson himself or by Secretary Dean Rusk.<br />

Q: What were you doing with this committee?<br />

MILLER: I was the staff. <strong>The</strong> executive secretary, Harry Schwartz, had been my political<br />

counselor in Tehran. I thought he was a terrific guy, a wonderful, curmudgeonly<br />

character, very smart. He had served in several White Houses as the State Department<br />

representative on the NSC, so he knew the NSC structure, all of the NSC lower had<br />

history. He was a highly sophisticated, very complicated, man married to a lovely Spanish<br />

73

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