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rural-urban dynamics_report.pdf - Khazar University

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GLOBAL MONITORING REPORT 2013 URBANIZATION AND THE MDGS 131<br />

experiencing rapid <strong>urban</strong> growth (Alpert,<br />

Shvainshtein, and Kishcha 2012).<br />

Emissions from burning fossil fuel include<br />

fine particulate matter (PM10 and PM2.5),<br />

carbon monoxide, nitric oxides, and sulfur<br />

dioxide, which can cause allergies, respiratory<br />

problems, cardiovascular disease, and<br />

cognitive deficits. The impacts are significant.<br />

In the Russian Federation, a conservative<br />

estimate suggests that annual health<br />

damages from fossil-fuel burning amount to<br />

$6 billion (Markandya and Golub 2012). The<br />

social cost of transport in Beijing is equivalent<br />

to 7.5–15 percent of its gross domestic<br />

product (GDP), with about half of that<br />

stemming from air pollution (Creutzig and<br />

He 2009). The largest share of these costs<br />

comes from increased mortality. Globally,<br />

acute respiratory infections associated with<br />

air pollution cause about 20 percent of all<br />

under-five mortality (Mehta et al. 2011). In<br />

the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia,<br />

a country of about 2 million people, an estimated<br />

1,300 premature deaths are caused by<br />

air pollution every year. Beijing, Cairo, Delhi,<br />

Dhaka, and Karachi each see an estimated<br />

3,500 to 7,000 premature deaths annually<br />

from cardiovascular disease stemming from<br />

air pollution (Gurjar et al. 2010). Karachi has<br />

the highest overall mortality related to air<br />

pollution, at 15,000 a year. That is close to<br />

the excess mortality of 13,000 deaths caused<br />

by the “Great Smog” in London in 1952, evidence<br />

that many cities in today’s advanced<br />

countries have gone through similar stages of<br />

excessive pollution. Managing environmental<br />

quality alongside enhancing <strong>urban</strong> productivity<br />

is critical as a means of avoiding significant<br />

costs down the road.<br />

Cities can accelerate both economic<br />

and social progress when complementary<br />

improvements are made along two fronts:<br />

• Job creation, investment, and growth,<br />

which depend on the density of cities<br />

and their links with the <strong>rural</strong> economy.<br />

Enhancing job opportunities in cities<br />

requires careful thought about coordinating<br />

improvements in land management,<br />

housing, transport, communications,<br />

and infrastructure (World Bank 2013b).<br />

Urbanization generates an increase in the<br />

demand for land, and a clear definition of<br />

property rights along with robust systems<br />

for assessing land values is key for land<br />

redevelopment. Urbanization has to be<br />

combined with the development of reliable<br />

and affordable public transit to physically<br />

connect people with jobs. Complementary<br />

improvements in communication and<br />

interregional transport can make it easier<br />

to integrate neighboring <strong>rural</strong> areas into<br />

the <strong>urban</strong> economy.<br />

• Expansion of basic services, such as those<br />

reflected by the MDGs, across cities and<br />

<strong>rural</strong> areas, so that people are “pulled”<br />

to cities by the opportunities there, rather<br />

than being pushed from the countryside<br />

in search of basic services they have been<br />

denied. Improvements in basic services<br />

such as water, sanitation, education, and<br />

health are essential for improving living<br />

standards and workers’ health and education<br />

everywhere, as Colombia did when<br />

it systematically improved basic service<br />

levels across the country in <strong>rural</strong> and <strong>urban</strong><br />

areas alike. In 1964, only half the residents<br />

of Bogotá and other large cities had access<br />

to water, electricity, and sanitation; today<br />

there is nearly universal access in cities<br />

of all sizes, a convergence that took more<br />

than 40 years (Samad, Lozano-Gracia, and<br />

Panman 2012).<br />

Many developing countries have been<br />

unable to provide a coordinated package of<br />

physical infrastructure and social services<br />

(box 3.1). In part, that is because many of<br />

these services are network goods that households<br />

and communities cannot provide on<br />

their own. Even where the service can be supplied<br />

by each individual household or a community,<br />

as with sanitation, there are substantial<br />

externalities, where the benefits of service<br />

improvements spread beyond the household<br />

or community that made the investment.<br />

As a consequence, individual households<br />

and communities are likely to underinvest<br />

in these services, setting up a classic role for<br />

public policy of ensuring that basic services

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