rural-urban dynamics_report.pdf - Khazar University
rural-urban dynamics_report.pdf - Khazar University
rural-urban dynamics_report.pdf - Khazar University
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156 URBANIZATION AND THE MDGS GLOBAL MONITORING REPORT 2013<br />
constitutes one of the “dangers” of decentralization<br />
(Prud’homme 1995). Assume, for<br />
example, a SNG whose total revenue is composed<br />
of 10 percent in taxes and 90 percent<br />
in transfers. All other things equal, financing<br />
a 10 percent increase in expenditures requires<br />
doubling the tax effort. That often exceeds<br />
the institutional capacity as well as the willingness<br />
to assume the political cost of raising<br />
taxes. Transfer dependence is particularly<br />
large for regional governments in many unitary<br />
government systems where policy decisions<br />
are channeled to subnational governing<br />
units for implementation (such as Bangladesh<br />
and Bolivia), because tax bases that are best<br />
suited to regional management (automobile<br />
taxes, for instance) have been given to municipalities.<br />
For SNGs in <strong>rural</strong> areas, therefore,<br />
the possibilities to engage in redistribution<br />
through local taxation are limited.<br />
Redistribution therefore needs to come<br />
mainly from the expenditure side, which<br />
depends critically on the level of expenditure<br />
decentralization. More often than not, an<br />
SNG manages only parts of the service delivery:<br />
public investment and infrastructure.<br />
Human resource management, particularly<br />
in the social sectors (health and teaching personnel)<br />
has long been a politically sensitive<br />
area, and most management decisions remain<br />
centralized in many countries.<br />
Given these uneven advances and levels<br />
of autonomy in expenditures, SNGs in <strong>rural</strong><br />
areas are often constrained in their ability to<br />
provide packages of services to the poor and<br />
to target the incidence of spending so that services<br />
are directed where the needs are greatest.<br />
In addition, the often low population density<br />
implies higher per capita costs in providing<br />
public services (Hon 2009; Kitchen<br />
2006; McMillan 2007). Consider that the<br />
marginal cost in service provision for water<br />
and sewerage increases substantially in <strong>rural</strong><br />
areas, and it is particularly high for tertiary<br />
education. Although education costs for primary<br />
and secondary education are often less<br />
affected by economies of scale than other<br />
services, factors such as very small class size<br />
can increase costs substantially even in <strong>rural</strong><br />
areas. Roads can facilitate access between<br />
<strong>rural</strong> areas and economic centers, but, given<br />
the limited possibility to establish user fees<br />
and toll roads, financing by other entities or<br />
higher levels of government is required.<br />
These challenges have important consequences.<br />
They require different levels of<br />
governments to contribute with grant financing<br />
to service delivery. These coordination<br />
requirements can be particularly significant<br />
at the regional or intermediate level of government,<br />
where there may be dual authorities.<br />
Investment funds can play a large role in<br />
<strong>rural</strong> areas because they cofinance or execute<br />
public works directly. Some of these entities<br />
have been trying to substitute for weak institutional<br />
capacity. But such efforts have also<br />
led to a bypassing of <strong>rural</strong> SNGs in service<br />
provision, creating an undesirable spiral of<br />
weak accountability and capacity.<br />
The financing challenge of the MDGs in<br />
metropolitan areas<br />
In contrast to <strong>rural</strong> areas, SNGs in <strong>urban</strong><br />
areas have greater fiscal capacity and hence<br />
can influence outcomes much more through<br />
their own revenue decisions. Nevertheless the<br />
overall level of transfer dependence of metropolitan<br />
governments can be substantial. Some<br />
of the more financially autonomous metro<br />
areas include Addis Ababa, Melbourne,<br />
and Pretoria (Shah 2012). Cities like Berlin,<br />
Bucharest, and London, however, are dependent<br />
on central grants for about 80 percent<br />
of their revenue. Absent any convergence<br />
effects regarding how to structure revenues,<br />
fiscal capacity will increase as agglomeration<br />
unfolds. The tax incidence of revenue<br />
decisions naturally depends on the particular<br />
taxes and user fees applied. Common revenue<br />
sources are land-related revenue (property<br />
taxes, improvement levies, auctions, leases),<br />
which can affect the locational decisions<br />
and income of individuals; personal income<br />
taxes (applied at the local level in 13 of 27<br />
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and<br />
Development [OECD] countries); and user<br />
fees, which are usually applied at uniform<br />
rates and therefore can have regressive effects.<br />
Institutional changes often cannot keep up<br />
with rapid <strong>urban</strong>ization and therefore usually<br />
remain informal. It is no surprise then that<br />
many informal local institutions are merely