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rural-urban dynamics_report.pdf - Khazar University

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156 URBANIZATION AND THE MDGS GLOBAL MONITORING REPORT 2013<br />

constitutes one of the “dangers” of decentralization<br />

(Prud’homme 1995). Assume, for<br />

example, a SNG whose total revenue is composed<br />

of 10 percent in taxes and 90 percent<br />

in transfers. All other things equal, financing<br />

a 10 percent increase in expenditures requires<br />

doubling the tax effort. That often exceeds<br />

the institutional capacity as well as the willingness<br />

to assume the political cost of raising<br />

taxes. Transfer dependence is particularly<br />

large for regional governments in many unitary<br />

government systems where policy decisions<br />

are channeled to subnational governing<br />

units for implementation (such as Bangladesh<br />

and Bolivia), because tax bases that are best<br />

suited to regional management (automobile<br />

taxes, for instance) have been given to municipalities.<br />

For SNGs in <strong>rural</strong> areas, therefore,<br />

the possibilities to engage in redistribution<br />

through local taxation are limited.<br />

Redistribution therefore needs to come<br />

mainly from the expenditure side, which<br />

depends critically on the level of expenditure<br />

decentralization. More often than not, an<br />

SNG manages only parts of the service delivery:<br />

public investment and infrastructure.<br />

Human resource management, particularly<br />

in the social sectors (health and teaching personnel)<br />

has long been a politically sensitive<br />

area, and most management decisions remain<br />

centralized in many countries.<br />

Given these uneven advances and levels<br />

of autonomy in expenditures, SNGs in <strong>rural</strong><br />

areas are often constrained in their ability to<br />

provide packages of services to the poor and<br />

to target the incidence of spending so that services<br />

are directed where the needs are greatest.<br />

In addition, the often low population density<br />

implies higher per capita costs in providing<br />

public services (Hon 2009; Kitchen<br />

2006; McMillan 2007). Consider that the<br />

marginal cost in service provision for water<br />

and sewerage increases substantially in <strong>rural</strong><br />

areas, and it is particularly high for tertiary<br />

education. Although education costs for primary<br />

and secondary education are often less<br />

affected by economies of scale than other<br />

services, factors such as very small class size<br />

can increase costs substantially even in <strong>rural</strong><br />

areas. Roads can facilitate access between<br />

<strong>rural</strong> areas and economic centers, but, given<br />

the limited possibility to establish user fees<br />

and toll roads, financing by other entities or<br />

higher levels of government is required.<br />

These challenges have important consequences.<br />

They require different levels of<br />

governments to contribute with grant financing<br />

to service delivery. These coordination<br />

requirements can be particularly significant<br />

at the regional or intermediate level of government,<br />

where there may be dual authorities.<br />

Investment funds can play a large role in<br />

<strong>rural</strong> areas because they cofinance or execute<br />

public works directly. Some of these entities<br />

have been trying to substitute for weak institutional<br />

capacity. But such efforts have also<br />

led to a bypassing of <strong>rural</strong> SNGs in service<br />

provision, creating an undesirable spiral of<br />

weak accountability and capacity.<br />

The financing challenge of the MDGs in<br />

metropolitan areas<br />

In contrast to <strong>rural</strong> areas, SNGs in <strong>urban</strong><br />

areas have greater fiscal capacity and hence<br />

can influence outcomes much more through<br />

their own revenue decisions. Nevertheless the<br />

overall level of transfer dependence of metropolitan<br />

governments can be substantial. Some<br />

of the more financially autonomous metro<br />

areas include Addis Ababa, Melbourne,<br />

and Pretoria (Shah 2012). Cities like Berlin,<br />

Bucharest, and London, however, are dependent<br />

on central grants for about 80 percent<br />

of their revenue. Absent any convergence<br />

effects regarding how to structure revenues,<br />

fiscal capacity will increase as agglomeration<br />

unfolds. The tax incidence of revenue<br />

decisions naturally depends on the particular<br />

taxes and user fees applied. Common revenue<br />

sources are land-related revenue (property<br />

taxes, improvement levies, auctions, leases),<br />

which can affect the locational decisions<br />

and income of individuals; personal income<br />

taxes (applied at the local level in 13 of 27<br />

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and<br />

Development [OECD] countries); and user<br />

fees, which are usually applied at uniform<br />

rates and therefore can have regressive effects.<br />

Institutional changes often cannot keep up<br />

with rapid <strong>urban</strong>ization and therefore usually<br />

remain informal. It is no surprise then that<br />

many informal local institutions are merely

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