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rural-urban dynamics_report.pdf - Khazar University

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138 URBANIZATION AND THE MDGS GLOBAL MONITORING REPORT 2013<br />

stringent barriers to <strong>urban</strong> expansion. As<br />

an alternative, a flexible definition of public<br />

purpose can be combined with a strong judicial<br />

system to guide and evaluate acquisition<br />

decisions on a case-by-case basis. If a flexible<br />

definition is used, it becomes increasingly<br />

important to provide a clear definition of the<br />

process to adjudicate conflicts in cases where<br />

the “public purpose” of a particular acquisition<br />

is questioned, as well as to establish the<br />

institutions that guarantee that affected parties<br />

can voice their concerns.<br />

Coordinate land management with<br />

infrastructure, housing, and transport<br />

Manage densities<br />

Just as valuing land and assigning property<br />

rights are challenges for accommodating<br />

<strong>urban</strong> expansion, so are managing densities<br />

within cities and finding ways to finance<br />

<strong>urban</strong> expansion and city renewal. One<br />

widely used tool for managing densities is the<br />

floor space index (FSI), or floor area ratio.<br />

This is the ratio of the gross floor area of a<br />

building on a lot divided by the area of that<br />

lot. If, for example, the FSI in an area of a<br />

city is 1:1, developers can only put up a building<br />

with a gross floor area less than or equal<br />

to the total lot area. While in some cases it<br />

may be possible to build a one-story building<br />

that covers the lot entirely, thus achieving<br />

an FSI of 1:1, developers typically construct<br />

buildings with a “footprint” or “plinth”<br />

that covers less than the whole lot, and so<br />

the structure has more than one story. For<br />

example, a developer could build a four-story<br />

building that covered 25 percent of the lot<br />

and still meet the FSI of 1:1.<br />

Other planning regulations include setbacks<br />

(minimum distances to the front, rear,<br />

and sides of a plot) and maximum building<br />

heights. Both are designed to protect adjacent<br />

properties and preserve access to sun, air,<br />

and open space (parks and plazas). Finally,<br />

plot coverage ratio regulations limit the total<br />

area of a plot that can be developed (World<br />

Bank 2013a). There is no such thing as an<br />

optimal FSI. The “right” FSI for a specific<br />

area depends on the existing spatial structure<br />

of the city, the street patterns and widths, the<br />

level of infrastructure (is there enough capacity<br />

to accommodate higher density, that is,<br />

higher FSIs?), and cultural and social factors<br />

(are skyscrapers acceptable?) (Bertaud 2004).<br />

Although these regulations exist for good<br />

reasons, they often have unintended consequences.<br />

If an area’s FSI is set far below<br />

the level at which investors might otherwise<br />

develop it, this repression of supply can push<br />

people into other areas, and the increased<br />

demand for those other areas can raise prices<br />

across the city (Annez and Linn 2010). Similarly,<br />

if the FSI is a uniform limit, it may<br />

increase housing prices by limiting the supply<br />

of land that would otherwise be built<br />

up. It may also encourage the allocation of<br />

land and buildings to less productive uses.<br />

Beyond slowing city growth in these ways, a<br />

uniform limit can also push poor households<br />

to distant suburbs, adding to their poverty by<br />

increasing their commuting costs and times.<br />

When households have no choice but to<br />

locate near jobs, they often join hazard-prone<br />

informal settlements.<br />

Consider South Africa, where the government<br />

has focused on provision of subsidized<br />

housing, first introduced as part of<br />

the Reconstruction and Development Program.<br />

The benefits of the program have been<br />

questioned, however. The most common<br />

complaint is that households receiving the<br />

subsidized housing are not satisfied, because<br />

the housing is often far from employment<br />

centers; the new houses were often built in<br />

the “old” apartheid locations (which were<br />

deliberately sited far from <strong>urban</strong> centers and<br />

white neighborhoods). In addition, most<br />

households do not receive title deeds immediately<br />

but are allocated the housing administratively;<br />

whether they receive title right<br />

away or not, households are barred from<br />

selling or renting for a period of five years.<br />

Furthermore, even after the five-year period,<br />

the government has a preemptive right (the<br />

right of first refusal) on the sale of the property.<br />

In short, poor location and lack of fully<br />

tradable property rights are often cited as<br />

reasons for the limited impact of the subsidized<br />

housing.

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