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Russian Nuclear Weapons: Past, Present, and Future

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Quite paradoxically, another, equally persistent<br />

theme in the <strong>Russian</strong> approach to U.S. missile defense<br />

programs has been proposals for cooperation. In the<br />

early 1990s, these proposals were built around a notion<br />

that Russia could contribute technologies developed<br />

during decades of R&D in missile defense. These<br />

included programs launched in the 1980s—although<br />

the Soviet Union vehemently opposed SDI <strong>and</strong> advertized<br />

“asymmetric” responses to it (i.e., through<br />

enhancement of offensive weapons capability), it<br />

simultaneously pursued a wide range of its own defense<br />

programs, a “symmetric” response. These were<br />

not particularly advanced <strong>and</strong> mostly remained at the<br />

stage of research, but their scale was quite impressive—they<br />

consumed more than half (about 52 percent)<br />

of all spending on strategic weapons.<br />

Since the late 1990s, Russia sought to showcase a<br />

defense system against tactical missiles, S-300, as well<br />

as another system, S-400 (at that time still in the pipeline),<br />

which was intended to counter intermediaterange<br />

missiles. Indeed, the 1997 New York Protocols,<br />

which drew a line between strategic <strong>and</strong> nonstrategic<br />

defenses (i.e., those that were banned or allowed<br />

under the 1972 ABM Treaty), were carefully crafted<br />

by Russia to protect S-400. The highest point of these<br />

initiatives was a proposal made in early 2001, which<br />

foresaw a relatively well-developed plan for the defense<br />

of Europe consisting of a combination of S-300<br />

<strong>and</strong> S-400; this proposal was overlooked by the United<br />

States, which, under the new administration, was<br />

moving toward abrogation of the ABM Treaty.<br />

It is important to underst<strong>and</strong> the <strong>Russian</strong> definition<br />

of cooperation. It assumed that Moscow would<br />

supply weapons systems (<strong>and</strong> get paid for them), be<br />

an integral part of decisionmaking on the architecture<br />

235

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