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Russian Nuclear Weapons: Past, Present, and Future

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CHAPTER 9<br />

NEW START AND NONPROLIFERATION:<br />

SUITORS OR SEPARATE TABLES?<br />

INTRODUCTION<br />

Stephen J. Cimbala<br />

In the spring of 2010, the diplomatic atmosphere<br />

was an apparent success story for those seeking to reduce<br />

nuclear danger. The signing of the New Strategic<br />

Arms Reduction Treaty (START) agreement in April<br />

2010 took place almost exactly 1 year after President<br />

Barack Obama’s l<strong>and</strong>mark speech calling for nuclear<br />

abolition. New START was followed by the successful<br />

outcome of the <strong>Nuclear</strong> Non-Proliferation Treaty<br />

(NPT) review conference in May 2010, in marked<br />

contrast to the acrimonious denouement of the 2005<br />

meeting. 1 In addition, a U.S. <strong>Nuclear</strong> Posture Review<br />

<strong>and</strong> a revised <strong>Russian</strong> Military Doctrine made public<br />

in the spring of 2010 also seemed to reduce the role of<br />

nuclear weapons in the respective military strategies<br />

<strong>and</strong> national security policies of the two states. Russia,<br />

the United States, <strong>and</strong> the North Atlantic Treaty Organization<br />

(NATO) talked of cooperation on missile<br />

defense <strong>and</strong> other issues, <strong>and</strong> Obama pushed forward<br />

an ambitious agenda of multilateral control measures,<br />

including ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban<br />

Treaty (CTB) <strong>and</strong> global support for a Fissile Materials<br />

Cutoff Treaty (FMCT). Only Maurice Chevalier, strolling<br />

<strong>and</strong> singing on a boulevard in Paris, was lacking<br />

for suitable background music.<br />

Diplomatic atmospheres come <strong>and</strong> go, but the bankers<br />

of policy <strong>and</strong> strategy dem<strong>and</strong> payment in hard<br />

417

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