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instead <strong>of</strong> calling de Gaulle to order, Churchill saw an opportunity to give<br />

vent to his eloquence by supporting de Gaulle, in a speech given in Ottawa,<br />

when after a diatribe against Vichy, he said: "Some Frenchmen there were,<br />

who would not bow their knees and who, under de Gaulle, have continued to<br />

fight at the side <strong>of</strong> the Allies. They have been condemned to death by the<br />

men <strong>of</strong> Vichy, but their names will be held, and are being held, in increasing<br />

respect by nine Frenchmen out <strong>of</strong> every ten throughout the once happy,<br />

smiling land <strong>of</strong> France." No one could understand why Churchill was giving<br />

such an endorsement to de Gaulle.<br />

Meanwhile, out <strong>of</strong> Vichy, Admiral Leahy sent the message that<br />

"Darlan referred to the St. <strong>Pierre</strong> and Miquelon incident and said that<br />

Germany had already used the seizure <strong>of</strong> those islands by De Gaulle as an<br />

argument for the entry <strong>of</strong> Axis troops into Africa, in order that it may be<br />

protected against similar invasion." (Langer, Op. Cit., 218) Since they did<br />

not know what to think <strong>of</strong> it, the Germans had to invent some unlikely but<br />

credible response. However, this striking action at St. <strong>Pierre</strong> and Miquelon<br />

had the net effect <strong>of</strong> accelerating the entry <strong>of</strong> de Gaulle into a position <strong>of</strong><br />

command on the North African front.<br />

As for the U.S. side, Secretary Hull was, as expected, against de<br />

Gaulle's move and complained to the President, and ultimately proposed a<br />

compromise whereby the tiny islands would end up in a sort <strong>of</strong> joint<br />

American-Canadian-British trusteeship and would be considered neutral and<br />

demilitarized. But de Gaulle refused. And besides, Roosevelt was against<br />

intervening into French internal affairs, including in the French colonies. I<br />

recall here an important statement <strong>of</strong> {diplomatic resistance} that Roosevelt<br />

had just made earlier in December 1942 to that effect:<br />

"Now that the United States is in the war, it should be perfectly clear<br />

to the French Government, and the French people, that if Germany or Italy<br />

attacked unoccupied France, or any <strong>of</strong> the French colonies, in any way, the<br />

President could not regard acquiescence to such an attack as anything else<br />

than playing the German game.<br />

"On the other hand, resistance by the French against German or Italian<br />

attack either in France itself or in any part <strong>of</strong> the Colonial Empire would be<br />

regarded by the President as a normal and natural reaction. Such resistance<br />

would have not only the moral support <strong>of</strong> the United States, but it would also<br />

126

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