BOX 1.3Amartya Sen, Nobel Laureate in EconomicsWhat is it like to be a human being?Almost half a century ago, the philosopher Thomas Nagel published a famouspaper called “What Is It Like to Be a Bat?” The question I want to askis: what is it like to be a human being? As it happens, Tom Nagel’s insightfulpaper in The Philosophical Review was also really about human beings,and only marginally about bats. Among other points, Nagel expressed deepscepticism about the temptation of observational scientists to identify theexperience of being a bat—or similarly, a human being—with the associatedphysical phenomena in the brain and elsewhere in the body that arewithin easy reach of outside inspection. The sense of being a bat or a humancan hardly be seen as just having certain twitches in the brain and of thebody. The complexity of the former cannot be resolved by the easier tractabilityof the latter (tempting though it may be to do just that).The cutting edge of the human development approach is also based on adistinction —but of a rather different kind from Nagel’s basic epistemologicalcontrast. The approach that Mahbub ul Haq pioneered through the seriesof <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Development</strong> <strong>Report</strong>s which began in 1990 is that between, onthe one hand, the difficult problem of assessing the richness of human lives,including the freedoms that human beings have reason to value, and on theother, the much easier exercise of keeping track of incomes and other externalresources that persons—or nations—happen to have. Gross domesticproduct (GDP) is much easier to see and measure than the quality of humanlife that people have. But human well-being and freedom, and their connectionwith fairness and justice in the world, cannot be reduced simply to themeasurement of GDP and its growth rate, as many people are tempted to do.The intrinsic complexity of human development is important to acknowledge,partly because we should not be side-tracked into changing the question:that was the central point that moved Mahbub ul Haq’s bold initiative tosupplement—and to some extent supplant—GDP. But along with that camea more difficult point, which is also an inescapable part of what has cometo be called “the human development approach.” We may, for the sake ofconvenience, use many simple indicators of human development, such asthe HDI, based on only three variables with a very simple rule for weightingthem—but the quest cannot end there. We should not spurn workableand useful shortcuts—the HDI may tell us a lot more about human qualityof life than does the GDP—but nor should we be entirely satisfied with theimmediate gain captured in these shortcuts in a world of continuous practice.Assessing the quality of life is a much more complex exercise than what canbe captured through only one number, no matter how judicious is the selectionof variables to be included, and the choice of the procedure of weighting.The recognition of complexity has other important implications as well.The crucial role of public reasoning, which the present <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Development</strong><strong>Report</strong> particularly emphasizes, arises partly from the recognition of thiscomplexity. Only the wearer may know where the shoe pinches, but pinchavoidingarrangements cannot be effectively undertaken without givingvoice to the people and giving them extensive opportunities for publicdiscussion. The importance of various elements in evaluating well-beingand freedom of people can be adequately appreciated and assessed onlythrough persistent dialogue among the population, with an impact on themaking of public policy. The political significance of such initiatives as theso-called Arab Spring, and mass movements elsewhere in the world, ismatched by the epistemic importance of people expressing themselves, indialogue with others, on what ails their lives and what injustices they wantto remove. There is much to discuss—with each other and with the publicservants that make policy.The dialogic responsibilities, when properly appreciated across thelines of governance, must also include representing the interest of the peoplewho are not here to express their concerns in their own voice. <strong>Human</strong>development cannot be indifferent to future generations just because theyare not here—yet. But human beings do have the capacity to think aboutothers, and their lives, and the art of responsible and accountable politicsis to broaden dialogues from narrowly self-centred concerns to the broadersocial understanding of the importance of the needs and freedoms of peoplein the future as well as today. This is not a matter of simply including thoseconcerns within one single indicator—for example, by overcrowding thealready heavily loaded HDI (which stands, in any case, only for current wellbeingand freedom)—but it certainly is a matter of making sure that the discussionsof human development include those other concerns. The <strong>Human</strong><strong>Development</strong> <strong>Report</strong>s can continue to contribute to this broadening throughexplication as well as presenting tables of relevant information.The human development approach is a major advance in the difficultexercise of understanding the successes and deprivations of human lives,and in appreciating the importance of reflection and dialogue, and throughthat advancing fairness and justice in the world. We may be much like batsin not being readily accessible to the measuring rod of the impatient observationalscientist, but we are also capable of thinking and talking about themany- sided nature of our lives and those of others—today and tomorrow—in ways that may not be readily available to bats. Being a human being isboth like being a bat and very unlike it.regions saw notable improvement in all HDIcomponents, with faster progress in low andmedium HDI countries. East Asia and thePacific and South Asia saw continuing progressfrom earlier decades, while Sub-Saharan Africasaw more rapid progress in the last decade. Theconvergence in HDI values has become morepronounced in the last decade.One of the principal components of theHDI is life expectancy. In 2012, average life expectancywas 70.1 years, with wide differencesacross HDI groups: 59.1 years in low HDIcountries and 80.1 years in very high HDIcountries. Differences across countries areeven wider, with a low of 48.1 years in SierraLeone and a high of 83.6 years in Japan. In Sub-Saharan Africa, life expectancy stagnated at49.5 years between 1990 and 2000, a result ofthe HIV and AIDS pandemic. Between 2000and 2012, however, it increased 5.5 years.Another important influence on the HDI,and one of the most sensitive indicators of24 | HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT <strong>2013</strong>
TABLE 1.1HDI and components, by region and HDI group, 2012Region and HDI groupRegionHDILife expectancyat birth (years)Mean yearsof schooling(years)Expected yearsof schooling(years)Gross nationalincomeper capita(2005 PPP $)Arab States 0.652 71.0 6.0 10.6 8,317East Asia and the Pacific 0.683 72.7 7.2 11.8 6,874Europe and Central Asia 0.771 71.5 10.4 13.7 12,243Latin America and the Caribbean 0.741 74.7 7.8 13.7 10,300South Asia 0.558 66.2 4.7 10.2 3,343Sub-Saharan Africa 0.475 54.9 4.7 9.3 2,010HDI groupVery high human development 0.905 80.1 11.5 16.3 33,391High human development 0.758 73.4 8.8 13.9 11,501Medium human development 0.640 69.9 6.3 11.4 5,428Low human development 0.466 59.1 4.2 8.5 1,633World 0.694 70.1 7.5 11.6 10,184Note: Data are weighted by population and calculated based on HDI values for 187 countries. PPP is purchasing power parity.Source: HDRO calculations. See statistical table 1 for detailed data sources.human well-being, is child survival. In 2010, theglobal under-five mortality rate was 55 deathsper 1,000 live births, though spread unevenlyacross HDI groups. Low HDI countries had thehighest rate (110 deaths per 1,000 live births),followed by medium HDI countries (42), highHDI countries (18) and very high HDI countries(6). Poor child health can permanentlydamage a child’s cognitive development andlater affect labour productivity as an adult.HDI comparisons are typically made betweencountries in the North and the South, and onthis basis the world is becoming less unequal.Nevertheless, national averages hide large variationsin human experience, and wide disparitiesremain within countries of both the North andthe South. The United States, for example, hadan HDI value of 0.94 in 2012, ranking it thirdglobally. The HDI value for residents of LatinAmerican origin was close to 0.75, while theHDI value for African-Americans was closeto 0.70 in 2010–2011. 15 But the average HDIvalue for an African-American in Louisiana was0.47. 16 Similar ethnic disparities in HDI achievementin very high HDI countries can be seen inthe Roma populations of southern Europe.The range in human development is alsowide in some developing countries. In Brazil,for example, the highest HDI value in 2000,the most recent year for which subnational dataare available, was in São Caetano do Sul in thestate of São Paulo (0.92), while the lowest wasin Manari in the state of Pernambuco (0.47).China has similar, if less marked, provincialvariations, with Shanghai at the top (0.91), andTibet at the bottom (0.63). 17Income and human developmentAnother essential component of human developmentand the HDI is command overresources, as measured by income per capita.Between 1990 and 2012, income per capitarose in all four HDI groups, though in varyingdegrees (figure 1.1). The highest average annualgrowth in income per capita was recorded inChina and Equatorial Guinea, both over 9%.Only 12 countries surpassed 4% growth, while19 saw income per capita fall.One of the most striking achievements hasbeen in Sub-Saharan Africa. From 2003 to2008—the five years preceding the globalHDI comparisons aretypically made betweencountries in the Northand the South, and onthis basis the world isbecoming less unequalChapter 1 The state of human development | 25
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ReferencesAbdurazakov, A., A. Minsa
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Statistical referencesADB (Asian De
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Countries and HDI ranks in 2012 and