comprehensive description of the capacity for <strong>food</strong> production in Australian cities. Thismight be difficult to attain given the grass roots level action, the dispersed <strong>and</strong> informalnature <strong>food</strong> production <strong>and</strong> distribution <strong>and</strong> the variety of activities, organisations <strong>and</strong>networks that constitute Australian <strong>urban</strong> agriculture.6. What are the impacts of <strong>urban</strong> agriculture, in Australian cities orelsewhere?Just as there are relatively few comprehensive surveys of the extent of <strong>urban</strong>agriculture in Australian cities, so too is there a paucity of studies of its effects <strong>and</strong>impacts. There are, however, numerous descriptive accounts of various <strong>urban</strong>agricultural practices in various cities around the world that provide something of afoundation.For example, de Zeeuw (2004) cites a study of Hanoi in which 80% of freshvegetables, 50% of pork, poultry <strong>and</strong> fresh water fish, <strong>and</strong> 40% of eggs originate fromwithin the city itself <strong>and</strong> its peri-<strong>urban</strong> hinterl<strong>and</strong>. In Shanghai, 60% of the city’svegetables, 100% of its milk, 90% of eggs consumed <strong>and</strong> 50% of pork <strong>and</strong> poultrymeat is supplied by its <strong>urban</strong> <strong>and</strong> peri-<strong>urban</strong> farms <strong>and</strong> small scale plots. While in bothcases these patterns of local <strong>food</strong> supply reflect farming traditions that have not yetbeen subsumed by large scale commercial agri-business, they also show the potentialfor cities that are very large by Australian st<strong>and</strong>ards to achieve comparatively highlevels of local <strong>food</strong> supply <strong>and</strong> hence bolster their <strong>food</strong> <strong>security</strong>.Studies of cities in Africa, also cited in de Zeeuw, have estimated that <strong>urban</strong> vegetablefarmers can achieve returns of between two <strong>and</strong> five times the average wage rates ofhired labourers, while in the Republic of Congo incomes from market gardening are twoto five times the estimated subsistence income. A study commissioned by the WorldBank found some significant differences in the income levels of <strong>urban</strong> <strong>food</strong> producers<strong>and</strong> others in cities of the developing world, suggesting a clear benefit to them as wellas the systematic benefits of supplying locally grown <strong>food</strong>.More studies rely on general perceptions of the benefits of <strong>urban</strong> agriculture. Lovell(2010) for example studied community gardens in US cities <strong>and</strong> concluded that ‘…thesocial value of <strong>urban</strong> green space is not negligible.’ <strong>and</strong> claimed that communitygardens can ‘…improve psychological well-being <strong>and</strong> social relations [<strong>and</strong>] facilitatehealing’ (p. 22). This may be true but very few studies are designed to measure withany degree of empirical precision these claims, which often remain as statements ofthe possible.Some more empirical impact studies are emerging in Australia. Ghosh (2011) hasestimated the potential contribution of sub<strong>urban</strong> home garden <strong>food</strong> production <strong>and</strong>suggests they could produce between 800-1100kg of produce per annum; enough tomeet a typical household’s requirements for fresh vegetables <strong>and</strong> produce a smallsurplus of fruit. In a similar vein, Francis (quoted in Ghosh, p. 2) claims that:The lawn space of the suburbs, if put into intensive <strong>food</strong> production has thepotential to out-produce the yields of commercial agriculture previously practicedon that l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> provide most of our fresh <strong>food</strong> needs.Edwards (2011) reports not only the growth of <strong>urban</strong> agriculture in Melbourne, Victoria,but also some of the impacts, particularly in relation to community building, thepromotion of healthy diets <strong>and</strong> the creation of new spaces for people with mental healthproblems <strong>and</strong> disabilities. These positive impacts extend beyond those of <strong>food</strong> <strong>security</strong><strong>and</strong> highlight the many advantages, of <strong>urban</strong> agriculture, including building greater<strong>resilience</strong> among <strong>urban</strong> populations. Shelton <strong>and</strong> Frieser (2009) study identifies thepositive impacts of <strong>urban</strong> agriculture on the Sunshine Coast in Queensl<strong>and</strong>,<strong>Urban</strong> <strong>food</strong> <strong>security</strong>, <strong>urban</strong> <strong>resilience</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>climate</strong> <strong>change</strong> 93
highlighting the heavy dependence of the current <strong>food</strong> system on fossil fuels, whichcreates vulnerabilities in the face of a pending ‘peak oil’ crisis <strong>and</strong> rising fuel costs.Local <strong>food</strong> systems that are decentralised <strong>and</strong> less complex are claimed to be a morerobust model for this region that will help mitigate the effects of peak oil <strong>and</strong> adapt to<strong>climate</strong> <strong>change</strong>, whilst the production of more staple <strong>food</strong>s within the <strong>urban</strong> footprintcan help alleviate <strong>food</strong> shortages in times of transport crisis or other disruptions to thedistribution system.The positive impacts of <strong>urban</strong> agriculture clearly extend beyond the production of <strong>food</strong>.For instance, Corkey (2004) found that a community garden at Sydney’s WaterlooPublic Housing Estate presented a wide range of benefits to residents, including social<strong>and</strong> cultural expression, community building <strong>and</strong> informal education about social <strong>and</strong>environmental sustainability. These characteristics might be considered to be some ofthe key ingredients of greater community <strong>resilience</strong> if society is to respond to some ofthe predicted ‘global shocks’ associated with peak oil <strong>and</strong> <strong>climate</strong> <strong>change</strong>. This againhighlights the complexity of <strong>urban</strong> agriculture <strong>and</strong> the impact that collaborative efforts incommunity <strong>food</strong> growing can have on society <strong>and</strong> the environment beyond the calorific<strong>and</strong> nutritional benefits obtained from locally-grown <strong>food</strong>.Clearly it is not especially easy to design <strong>and</strong> carry out empirical studies of the impactof <strong>urban</strong> agriculture. Like the evaluation of many social practices in complex systems itis difficult <strong>and</strong> costly to collect robust <strong>and</strong> reliable data, especially over the long periodsof time that would enable important questions of cumulate benefit <strong>and</strong> longevity to beanswered. Isolating the specific factors that might contribute to greater <strong>urban</strong> <strong>food</strong><strong>security</strong>, to greater social well-being <strong>and</strong> to improvements in public health arenotoriously difficult but now is perhaps the time to begin these studies if the claims of<strong>urban</strong> agriculture are to be properly tested.7. What are the barriers to the more widespread adoption of <strong>urban</strong>agriculture in Australian cities?In this section we review studies, as well as drawing on some insights from ourempirical data collection, of the various ways in which <strong>urban</strong> agriculture is regulated, byplanning <strong>and</strong> other regimes. We begin with some broad studies of the relationshipsbetween <strong>urban</strong> planning <strong>and</strong> <strong>food</strong> planning <strong>and</strong> move on to more focussed studies ofparticular <strong>urban</strong> agricultural practices <strong>and</strong> how these are dealt with by planningregimes.Little now happens in cities of the developed world, including Australian cities, that isnot subject in some way to regulation by the institutions of government or by legislation.Buildings cannot be erected, l<strong>and</strong> uses <strong>change</strong>d, commercial activities undertaken,social activities carried out on public l<strong>and</strong> without obtaining the requisite permit,approval or licence. And if the necessary approval has not been granted (<strong>and</strong>sometimes even if it has) the relevant authority will invariably be contacted by adisgruntled citizen.When Australian cities grew in the 19 th century the taken for granted rights of propertyowners included the right to cultivate their own property <strong>and</strong> to keep an assortment ofanimals for <strong>food</strong>. Since then a range of concerns, primarily about public health,neighbourliness <strong>and</strong> local amenity have presaged the introduction of a complex web ofregulations that limit the scope <strong>and</strong> practices of <strong>urban</strong> agriculture.While the regulations driven by public health concerns are typically implemented <strong>and</strong>enforced by local government officials, probably the most influential regulators of <strong>urban</strong>agriculture have been planners (whether called <strong>urban</strong> planners, town planners,environmental planners or city planners).<strong>Urban</strong> <strong>food</strong> <strong>security</strong>, <strong>urban</strong> <strong>resilience</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>climate</strong> <strong>change</strong> 94
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Synthesis and Integrative ResearchF
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Published by the National Climate C
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ABSTRACTFood security is increasing
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1. a review of the literature: on n
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its Food for All project. This help
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In response to the existential thre
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2. OBJECTIVES OF THE RESEARCHFood i
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debates and to the more systematic
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organisation in the past few years.
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4. RESULTSIn this section we presen
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increasing productivity. Thus, whil
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people and the origins of their foo
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urban food supply chains. Thus, whi
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This logistics system is dominated
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Like Hodgson et al., as per definit
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esilient, powerful by being locally
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volume or even its contribution to
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community food growing can have on
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generations this history has been f
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a stronger focus on addressing the
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The third key aspect is fairness -
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climate (which we live and work in
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agriculture. Eight percent is in ur
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This concept of the ‘spaces in be
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- Page 82 and 83: IntroductionGlobally, and in Austra
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- Page 110 and 111: 1 IntroductionCities have always be
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Another important and tangible role
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coast without any problems whatsoev
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BIBLIOGRAPHYAECOM (2011) Scoping St
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Burns, C. I., A. (2007). Measuring
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Edwards, F., & Mercer, D. (2010). M
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James, S. O’Neill, P. and Dimeski
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Millar, R., 2012, ‘Government shi
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Saltmarsh, N. M., J; Longhurst, N.
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Walker B., 2008, Resilience Thinkin