ased on ‘just-in-time’ principles that have been widely adopted by industry as a way ofgenerating efficiencies, especially by reducing the costs of maintaining <strong>and</strong> holdingstock. Long supply chains have been identified as sources of <strong>food</strong> in<strong>security</strong> (Gertel,2005), since no stocks or reserves of <strong>food</strong> are held anywhere along the supply chain.While long supply chains financially benefit the major supermarkets chains by reducingstorage costs (Barling & Lang, 2005), they leave communities vulnerable whensupermarkets are the only place to buy <strong>food</strong>, <strong>and</strong> their supply chains <strong>and</strong> distributionnetworks are disrupted. To address <strong>food</strong> in<strong>security</strong>, some researchers have advocatedthe maintenance of shorter (i.e. local <strong>and</strong> regional) supply chains as they have thepotential to ensure more consistent <strong>food</strong> availability, diversity <strong>and</strong> <strong>security</strong> (Marsden etal., 2000; Ilbery et al., 2004).Long supply chain vulnerability was experienced in Brisbane in 2011 when majorflooding saw the closure of the central wholesale fruit <strong>and</strong> vegetable market in Rocklea.With the key fruit <strong>and</strong> vegetable wholesalers under water, supermarket shelves quicklyemptied as panic-buying set in. Similarly, a pamphlet entitled ‘Nine meals fromAnarchy’ by Andrew Simms (2008) of the New Economics Foundation in the UKdescribes the impact of strikes (for example by the drivers of petrol tankers) in bringingthe UK <strong>food</strong> distribution system quickly to a st<strong>and</strong>still. In this situation, with city-basedretailers only carrying enough <strong>food</strong> for three days (or nine meals) the vulnerability of anoil-dependent <strong>and</strong> long supply chain system becomes unsettlingly clear. Long supplychains contain multiple, inbuilt vulnerabilities in relation to the very real threats of peakoil <strong>and</strong> <strong>climate</strong>-related natural disasters. <strong>Urban</strong> agriculture, as a more local <strong>and</strong> diversesystem has the potential to bring some degree of control of the <strong>food</strong> system closer toconsumers, providing access to a cheap <strong>and</strong> nutritional source of <strong>food</strong>, <strong>and</strong> in doing so,mitigate some of the negative effects associated with a more oil-dependent, global <strong>food</strong>system.4.1.5 What is the extent <strong>and</strong> impact of <strong>urban</strong> agriculture in Australiancities?From an historical perspective it is interesting to note that while some see thecontemporary city as place a where agriculture does <strong>and</strong> should not exist, cities untilrecently were significant places of primary <strong>food</strong> production as well as processing <strong>and</strong>consumption. However, cities have never been self-sufficient in <strong>food</strong> <strong>and</strong> as Steel(2008:72) notes:It can be tempting to hark back to a golden age when all <strong>food</strong> was produced <strong>and</strong>consumed locally, with no more than a short trip ‘from field to fork’. But of courseno such age ever existed.From the cities of ancient Greece, through imperial Rome to the mercantile cities ofnorthern Europe in the Middle Ages, cities have relied on <strong>food</strong> grown elsewhere tomeet their needs, partly because of its cheapness when compared to local products<strong>and</strong> partly because as cities grew they converted their peri-<strong>urban</strong> farml<strong>and</strong> to <strong>urban</strong>uses, mainly for housing. These factors continue to influence the structure of <strong>urban</strong> <strong>and</strong>metropolitan <strong>food</strong> systems in Australian cities.As noted above, in contemporary cities <strong>urban</strong> <strong>food</strong> production takes many forms <strong>and</strong> isoften informally organised, making it difficult therefore to accurately gauge its extent,<strong>Urban</strong> <strong>food</strong> <strong>security</strong>, <strong>urban</strong> <strong>resilience</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>climate</strong> <strong>change</strong> 25
volume or even its contribution to prevailing patterns of <strong>food</strong> supply <strong>and</strong> formal surveysof <strong>urban</strong> agricultural activity (to the extent that they exist) tend to under-report this widerange of activity (Yeatman, 2008). However, data collected by the Australian Bureau ofStatistics in 1992 (the most recent survey of home <strong>food</strong> production) found that over onethird of the population produced <strong>food</strong> in domestic spaces. More recently, in 2010, theAustralian City Farms <strong>and</strong> Community Gardens Network listed at least 212 communitygardens, while the Australian Farmers Market Association provided a list of 149farmers markets, though not all are located in <strong>urban</strong> areas. There is also numerouscommunity-supported agriculture (CSA) <strong>and</strong> <strong>food</strong> swap schemes, as well as hundredsof edible school gardens, including those supported by the renowned StephanieAlex<strong>and</strong>er Kitchen School Garden program, founded in 2001. There are active‘permablitz’ communities in the capital cities of every state <strong>and</strong> territory in Australia.Permablitzing – a hybridization of permaculture <strong>and</strong> the ‘Backyard Blitz’ phenomenon –involves communities coming together to transform backyards, ab<strong>and</strong>oned blocks <strong>and</strong>other spaces into edible l<strong>and</strong>scapes, or as one permablitz activist described it: ‘eatingthe suburbs, one backyard at a time’. ‘Guerrilla gardening’ is also gaining increasingnational attention, including its increased popularisation via a commercial televisionprogram where the stars ‘fight the filth with forks <strong>and</strong> flowers’. The arsenal of guerrillagardeners includes ‘weapons of mass re-vegetation’; referring to seed guns or seedbombs made of clay, organic compost, local native seeds <strong>and</strong> water, that are thentossed into neglected spaces to germinate.In summary, few cities in Australia or indeed elsewhere have conductedcomprehensive <strong>and</strong> rigorous studies of the extent of <strong>urban</strong> agriculture. While it isrelatively straightforward to count the number of community gardens, city farms,allotments, or farmers markets in any place it is less easy to identify <strong>and</strong> countdomestic gardens in which fruit <strong>and</strong> vegetables are grown, <strong>food</strong>-swapping initiatives,informal gardening support groups <strong>and</strong> schemes to divert <strong>urban</strong> waste streams intocompost. Similarly, it would require a substantial <strong>and</strong> well-designed survey of localresidents to gauge the extent to which individuals participated in one way or another inthis wide range of practices. Smaller scale mapping exercises are becoming morecommon, especially those undertaken by university students as part of researchprojects, but it can be difficult to catalogue these <strong>and</strong> to aggregate them into morecomprehensive citywide profiles.Just as there are relatively few comprehensive surveys of the extent of <strong>urban</strong>agriculture in Australian cities, so too is there a paucity of quantitative studies of itseffects <strong>and</strong> impacts. There are, however, numerous descriptive <strong>and</strong> ethnographicaccounts of various <strong>urban</strong> agricultural practices in various cities around the world thatprovide something of a foundation. While ethnographic accounts provide importantinsights into individual motivations to develop agricultural practices within cities <strong>and</strong> intothe experience of gardening, gleaning <strong>and</strong> so on, more extensive, systematic <strong>and</strong>quantitative accounts offer a valuable complement <strong>and</strong> would help produce a morerounded picture.Many studies rely on general perceptions of the benefits of <strong>urban</strong> agriculture whenconsidering local impacts. Lovell (2010) for example studied community gardens in UScities <strong>and</strong> concluded that ‘ … the social value of <strong>urban</strong> green space is not negligible.’<strong>Urban</strong> <strong>food</strong> <strong>security</strong>, <strong>urban</strong> <strong>resilience</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>climate</strong> <strong>change</strong> 26
- Page 1 and 2: Synthesis and Integrative ResearchF
- Page 3 and 4: Published by the National Climate C
- Page 5 and 6: ABSTRACTFood security is increasing
- Page 7 and 8: 1. a review of the literature: on n
- Page 9 and 10: its Food for All project. This help
- Page 13 and 14: In response to the existential thre
- Page 15 and 16: 2. OBJECTIVES OF THE RESEARCHFood i
- Page 17 and 18: debates and to the more systematic
- Page 19 and 20: organisation in the past few years.
- Page 21 and 22: 4. RESULTSIn this section we presen
- Page 23 and 24: increasing productivity. Thus, whil
- Page 25 and 26: people and the origins of their foo
- Page 27 and 28: urban food supply chains. Thus, whi
- Page 29 and 30: This logistics system is dominated
- Page 31 and 32: Like Hodgson et al., as per definit
- Page 33: esilient, powerful by being locally
- Page 37: community food growing can have on
- Page 40 and 41: generations this history has been f
- Page 42 and 43: a stronger focus on addressing the
- Page 44 and 45: The third key aspect is fairness -
- Page 46 and 47: climate (which we live and work in
- Page 48 and 49: agriculture. Eight percent is in ur
- Page 50 and 51: This concept of the ‘spaces in be
- Page 52 and 53: esearch scientist and chair of the
- Page 54 and 55: As discussed above, protection of t
- Page 56: 4.2.5 What is the extent and the im
- Page 60 and 61: no place under the panoply of pract
- Page 62 and 63: increased, the market dominance of
- Page 64 and 65: … the residents of S Park called
- Page 66 and 67: 5. CONCLUSIONSThere is growing conc
- Page 68 and 69: urban resilience. This inevitably c
- Page 70 and 71: In many respects these contrasting
- Page 72 and 73: Many interviewees of both standpoin
- Page 74 and 75: a given area. The rationale for thi
- Page 76 and 77: mapping the location of sources of
- Page 78 and 79: Australian food policy debates refl
- Page 80 and 81: APPENDIX 1: URBAN FOOD SECURITY, UR
- Page 82 and 83: IntroductionGlobally, and in Austra
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Review methodsThis stage of the res
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despite many of the causes of food
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…by 2050… food production will
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2. How is food security (in general
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the food security of cities, but no
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While some see the density of devel
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when suppliers, distributors, and c
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a more prominent role in enhancing
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community gardens webpage on the Co
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comprehensive description of the ca
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In both the developed and developin
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Their review notes a significant in
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lines of supply from often rural pl
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1 IntroductionCities have always be
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Despite some attempts to curb urban
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the Gold Coast remains a city that
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ackyard/community gardenernot affil
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level in local government. VicHealt
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Figure 2: Impacts on Municipal Food
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security I recognise that the cost
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United States, he offered the follo
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This vision highlights the multi-fu
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An environmental education centre.
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Melbourne Food ForestA Melbourne ga
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stakeholder consultations, the repo
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can. We sense the changes. The earl
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half-desert environments. We’re g
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etain its basic function and struct
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government; and that trying to get
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the north and the west, where it wo
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Why do people buy so much food that
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urban agriculture (however broadly
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enefits and risks. Before we can co
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Another important and tangible role
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coast without any problems whatsoev
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BIBLIOGRAPHYAECOM (2011) Scoping St
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Burns, C. I., A. (2007). Measuring
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Edwards, F., & Mercer, D. (2010). M
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James, S. O’Neill, P. and Dimeski
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Millar, R., 2012, ‘Government shi
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Saltmarsh, N. M., J; Longhurst, N.
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Walker B., 2008, Resilience Thinkin