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the-evolution-of-international-security-studies

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great power politics: <strong>the</strong> cold war and bipolarity 69A<strong>the</strong>ns and Sparta, and Rome and Carthage? If bipolarity was unstable,<strong>the</strong>n only <strong>the</strong> fear <strong>of</strong> national obliteration posed by nuclear weaponsstopped it from spiralling into war.There was some challenge to <strong>the</strong> bipolar framing from China afterMao’s break with Moscow in <strong>the</strong> late 1950s, with some thinking <strong>of</strong> Chinaas a third power, at least in Asia, because <strong>of</strong> its willingness to challenge bothsuperpowers (Hinton, 1975; Segal, 1982). Yet <strong>the</strong> bipolar framework heldfirm throughout <strong>the</strong> more than four decades <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cold War. Japan andWestern Europe were closely allied with <strong>the</strong> US and accepted its militarydominance and leadership. Even when <strong>the</strong>y surpassed <strong>the</strong> Soviet Unioneconomically, both remained politically weak, and <strong>the</strong> US remained verymuch <strong>the</strong> dominant partner in both <strong>the</strong> North Atlantic Treaty Organization(NATO) and <strong>the</strong> bilateral alliance with Japan. With <strong>the</strong> brief exception<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘Japan as number 1’ flourish in <strong>the</strong> late 1980s, nei<strong>the</strong>r sought to, norwas thought able to, challenge bipolarity. The huge superpower militaryestablishments and arsenals <strong>of</strong> nuclear weapons sustained it even after <strong>the</strong>economic challenge from <strong>the</strong> Soviet Union (which seemed formidable in<strong>the</strong> 1950s and 1960s) had faded into palpable backwardness and decline.This meant that right to <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cold War, bipolarity stood as<strong>the</strong> general framing for nearly all strategic <strong>the</strong>orising. Whe<strong>the</strong>r it wasabout deterrence, arms racing, arms control or alliances, <strong>the</strong> underpinningassumption <strong>of</strong> Cold War Strategic Studies was bipolarity (Buzan,1987a: 173–177). This assumption is extraordinarily prominent in deterrence<strong>the</strong>ory, and goes some way to explaining <strong>the</strong> attractions <strong>of</strong> game<strong>the</strong>ory, especially ‘chicken’ and ‘<strong>the</strong> prisoner’s dilemma’ (Snyder, 1971).These two games depend on two-player assumptions (without which <strong>the</strong>yquickly get too complicated) and thus mirror bipolarity. Bipolarity alsoexplains US and Soviet sensitivity to nuclear proliferation, which morethan anything else could threaten <strong>the</strong>ir status and privileges as <strong>the</strong> onlymembers <strong>of</strong> ‘<strong>the</strong> big two’ club.The bipolar framing <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cold War manifested itself in <strong>the</strong> geostrategicpolicy <strong>of</strong> containment. The rivalry between <strong>the</strong> US and <strong>the</strong> SovietUnion developed from <strong>the</strong> ceasefire lines <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Second World War, andquickly settled into a US attempt to ring <strong>the</strong> Soviet bloc with allies (NATO,Japan, Iran, Pakistan, South Korea, Thailand, Taiwan, etc.) to prevent fur<strong>the</strong>rexpansion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> communist world. The Soviet response was to tryto breach, or jump over, <strong>the</strong>se containment barriers. This strongly territorialformation explains <strong>the</strong> significance <strong>of</strong> crises in Berlin, Korea, Cuba,<strong>the</strong> Middle East and Vietnam, all <strong>of</strong> which were seen as crucial to maintainingor breaching <strong>the</strong> lines <strong>of</strong> containment. Once China emerged as a

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