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the-evolution-of-international-security-studies

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88 strategic <strong>studies</strong>, deterrence and <strong>the</strong> cold wara slow start, a dramatic period <strong>of</strong> development and <strong>the</strong>n a levelling <strong>of</strong>f.Stimulated by nuclear weapons and <strong>the</strong> Cold War, it begins to ga<strong>the</strong>rstrength during <strong>the</strong> 1940s and 1950s, reaching a kind <strong>of</strong> peak in <strong>the</strong>1950s and 1960s golden age with a string <strong>of</strong> classic books centred aroundnuclear deterrence (Brodie, 1946, 1959; Kissinger, 1957; Osgood, 1957;Kahn, 1960, 1962; Rapoport, 1960, 1964; Schelling, 1960, 1966; Snyder,1961; Singer, 1962; Green, 1966; Morgan, 1977). There were inputs frommany disciplines and a real sense <strong>of</strong> excitement driven by <strong>the</strong> intrinsicintellectual interest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> problem, <strong>the</strong> sense <strong>of</strong> fear and urgency aboutwhat choices to make in practice, and <strong>the</strong> high public pr<strong>of</strong>ile and generousresourcing <strong>of</strong> nuclear strategy.But by <strong>the</strong> 1970s, <strong>the</strong> main breakthrough work had been done, andsome <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> enthusiasm was waning as both <strong>the</strong> superpower relationshipand Strategic Studies itself became more routine and institutionalised.The <strong>the</strong>oretical debates about deterrence were beginning to sinkunder <strong>the</strong> weight <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own logical complexity (Freedman, 1991). Thenuclear balance had reached a kind <strong>of</strong> stalemate which seemed fairlystable, and about which <strong>the</strong>re did not seem all that much more new tosay except for responses to technological developments, most notably indefences against ballistic missiles. Mainstream Strategic Studies literaturesuccumbed to hectic empiricism, in which <strong>the</strong> main job <strong>of</strong> analysts was tokeep up with ever-changing technologies and political developments. Ona deeper level, some academics and some policy-makers drifted towardsa kind <strong>of</strong> exhausted acceptance <strong>of</strong> existential or general deterrence, where<strong>the</strong> main effect came not from ever more elaborate and less crediblepreparations to meet every contingency, but from <strong>the</strong> simple existence<strong>of</strong> nuclear weapons and fear <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m being used (Waltz, 1981; Morgan,1983; Freedman, 1988).As noted above, one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> distinctive features <strong>of</strong> Strategic Studies (andISS more broadly) was and is <strong>the</strong> involvement <strong>of</strong> civilians in strategicthinking, an involvement which produced a number <strong>of</strong> distinctive outputs.Systems analysis, for example, which was a method for solving problems<strong>of</strong> force structure and resource allocation, was based on economic<strong>the</strong>ory as well as on operations research developed by natural scientists,engineers and economists during <strong>the</strong> Second World War (Smoke, 1975:290–293). Several pioneering RAND <strong>studies</strong> were implemented into policy,notably <strong>the</strong> famous ‘air bases’ study by Wohlstetter, a ma<strong>the</strong>matician,and his associates (1954). Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> leading representatives <strong>of</strong> this way<strong>of</strong> thinking entered <strong>the</strong> Kennedy administration labelled as McNamara’s‘whiz kids’ (Kaplan 1983; Brodie 1965). From <strong>the</strong>re, this method and

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