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the-evolution-of-international-security-studies

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from peace to <strong>security</strong> 137The single most successful ‘expansive’ concept <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1980s, is, however,probably ‘Common Security’, coined by <strong>the</strong> Independent Commission onDisarmament and Security Issues chaired by Ol<strong>of</strong> Palme in 1982. CommonSecurity was picked up by Peace Researchers, particularly perhaps inGermany, where <strong>the</strong> concept resonated with central policy debates (Meyer,1989; Wæver, 1989b) The underlying assumption <strong>of</strong> Common Securitywas that ‘<strong>the</strong> main threats to <strong>international</strong> <strong>security</strong> come not from individualstates but from global problems shared by <strong>the</strong> entire <strong>international</strong>community: nuclear war, <strong>the</strong> heavy economic burden <strong>of</strong> militarism andwar, disparities in living standards within and among nations, and globalenvironmental degradation’ (Porter and Brown, 1991: 109). Starting fromnational <strong>security</strong>, <strong>the</strong> report stressed that many aspects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>security</strong>agenda were collective and pointed to <strong>the</strong> ‘less tangible dimensions to<strong>security</strong>’. It held that ‘Citizens <strong>of</strong> all nations want to be able to remaintrue to <strong>the</strong> principles and ideals upon which <strong>the</strong>ir country was founded,free to chart futures in a manner <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own choosing’ (IndependentCommission on Disarmament and Security Issues, 1982: 4). Clearly, thisshould be read against <strong>the</strong> backdrop <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Second Cold War. To saythat citizens wanted to be true to <strong>the</strong>ir countries’ ideals was to reiteratenot only <strong>the</strong> (fictitious) harmony between state and individual held bystate-centric conceptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>security</strong>, but also to invoke <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong>‘non-interference in domestic affairs’: state sovereignty protected statesfrom o<strong>the</strong>rs meddling in <strong>the</strong>ir domestic ideological, religious, politicalor economic choices. The Palme Commission was thus firmly embeddedwithin <strong>the</strong> bipolar confrontation where states were seen as <strong>the</strong> key toamorepeacefulworld.Suggestingthatstatescouldoverride<strong>the</strong>principle<strong>of</strong> non-interference in domestic affairs to defend <strong>the</strong> insecurities<strong>of</strong> threatened populations, as became <strong>the</strong> norm in humanitarian operations/warsin <strong>the</strong> 1990s (Kosovo being <strong>the</strong> strongest example), was not on<strong>the</strong> agenda. The way in which questions <strong>of</strong> military technology saturatedcritical <strong>security</strong> thinking in <strong>the</strong> early 1980s is also evidenced in that after<strong>the</strong> first 12 pages laying out more general links between Common Security,national <strong>security</strong>, development and <strong>the</strong> Third World, <strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>Palme Commission Report’s 177 pages are devoted to detailed discussions<strong>of</strong> different disarmament and arms control scenarios. ‘True <strong>security</strong>’ wasdefined as ‘ending <strong>the</strong> danger <strong>of</strong> nuclear war, reducing <strong>the</strong> frequency anddestructiveness <strong>of</strong> conventional conflicts, easing <strong>the</strong> social and economicburdens <strong>of</strong> armaments’ (Independent Commission on Disarmament andSecurity Issues, 1982: 6) and underdevelopment was considered throughits relationship to military conflict: ei<strong>the</strong>r because <strong>the</strong> militarisation <strong>of</strong>

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