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the-evolution-of-international-security-studies

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traditionalist iss post-9/11 237posture made its strategy increasingly interesting in itself, 7 though <strong>the</strong>US–Japan alliance remained <strong>the</strong> dominant framing, 8 not least because<strong>of</strong> its implications for China (Wang, 2003; Midford, 2004). Given <strong>the</strong>rise <strong>of</strong> China, and signs <strong>of</strong> greater independence in Japan’s <strong>security</strong> policy,more consideration was given to Japan’s relations with Korea (Cha,2000a; Auslin, 2005). In this context, a long overdue development was<strong>the</strong> increase <strong>of</strong> interest in <strong>the</strong> relationship <strong>of</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>ast Asia’s two greatpowers, China and Japan, which even through <strong>the</strong> 1990s had remainedmasked by Japan’s self-subordination to <strong>the</strong> US in <strong>security</strong> matters andrelations with China. 9 North Korea remained an abiding concern, 10 bothbecause <strong>of</strong> its implications for regional stability and because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> particularcrisis about its nuclear weapons programme (on which more below).Analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> implications <strong>of</strong> China’s rise also extended to <strong>the</strong> widercontext <strong>of</strong> its relationships with India and Russia (Garver, 2001; Sidhuand Yuan, 2003; Pant, 2004; Rangsimaporn, 2006; Ferdinand, 2007; Scott,2008).The debate about US grand strategy that had been a feature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>post-Cold War decade not only continued unabated, but also diversifiedunder <strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> both 9/11 and <strong>the</strong> Bush administration’s more aggressiveforeign policy. 11 The 1990s debate had mainly focused around <strong>the</strong>emergence <strong>of</strong> a dominant view that unipolarity would be considerablymore than a transitional moment following <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> bipolarity. Post-9/11, <strong>the</strong> debate was more about <strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> unipolar order, thoughsome remained sceptical about its durability (Layne, 2006) and <strong>the</strong>re wassome interest in <strong>the</strong> political economy aspects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> subject (Caverley,2007; Stokes, 2007). Whe<strong>the</strong>r because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> particular impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Bushadministration and <strong>the</strong> GWoT, or whe<strong>the</strong>r because <strong>the</strong> Neorealists seemedto be correct in <strong>the</strong>ir prediction (if not in its timing or intensity) that aunipolar power structure would foment opposition, much <strong>of</strong> this debatewas about <strong>the</strong> weakening <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Atlantic community.7 Midford, 2002; Hughes, 2004a, 2004b, 2004c, 2006; Lind, 2004; Inoguchi and Bacon, 2006;Arase, 2007; Hughes, 2007; Hughes and Krauss, 2007; Samuels, 2007/8.8 Oka, 2001; Ohtomo, 2002; Van Ness, 2002; Midford, 2003; Rowan, 2005; Yoda, 2006.9 Rozman, 2002a, 2002b; Reilly, 2004; Wan, 2004; Chiba and Xiang, 2005; Gries, 2005b;Roy, 2005; Tamamoto, 2005; Dreyer, 2006; Hsiung, 2007; Mochizuki, 2007.10 Kihl, 2002; Miles, 2002; Pinkston and Saunders, 2003; Rozman, 2003; Cha and Kang, 2005;Kerr, 2005; H. Smith, 2005; Michishita, 2006.11 Cronin, 2002; Hendrickson, 2002; Daalder and Lindsay, 2003; Jervis, 2003b, 2005; Layne,2003; Lobell, 2003; Posen, 2003; Dueck, 2003/4, 2004a, 2004b; Bacevich and Prodromou,2004; A. Newman, 2004; Dunn, 2005; Mastanduno, 2005; Calleo, 2007; Posen, 2007.

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