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the-evolution-of-international-security-studies

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<strong>the</strong> cold war challenge to national <strong>security</strong> 103as distinct approaches. This literature was much smaller quantitativelyspeaking than Arms Control or Strategic Studies, yet, in <strong>the</strong> light <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>changes brought about by <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cold War, it turned out to besignificant for how ISS has evolved. Had <strong>the</strong>re not been a small but growingconcern with broader concepts <strong>of</strong> <strong>security</strong> in <strong>the</strong> 1980s, it is doubtfulwhe<strong>the</strong>r widening approaches in <strong>the</strong> 1990s could have capitalised to <strong>the</strong>extent that <strong>the</strong>y did on <strong>the</strong> ending <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cold War.To handle <strong>the</strong> several strands <strong>of</strong> opposition to Strategic Studies westructure <strong>the</strong> chapter as follows. The next section assumes that <strong>the</strong> readerhas <strong>the</strong> account <strong>of</strong> Strategic Studies and <strong>the</strong> manner in which <strong>the</strong> fiveforces drove this literature reasonably fresh in mind, and focuses onhow <strong>the</strong> two driving forces <strong>of</strong> great power politics and technology drovePeace Research and Arms Control to a different view <strong>of</strong> deterrence andmilitary technology. Since Peace Research to a large extent functionedas a mirror image/attacker, and thus centred largely on <strong>the</strong> same set <strong>of</strong>events as Strategic Studies, <strong>the</strong>re is no particular section on this drivingforce.The third section focuses on <strong>the</strong> conceptualisation <strong>of</strong> positive peaceas integration, an expansion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> research agenda that implies botha challenge to <strong>the</strong> Realist understanding <strong>of</strong> <strong>international</strong> <strong>security</strong> anda more thorough concern with <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> domestic cohesion.Looking to <strong>the</strong> driving forces, this research was partly spurred by a combination<strong>of</strong> events such as <strong>the</strong> formation <strong>of</strong> NATO and <strong>the</strong> EuropeanEconomic Community, <strong>the</strong> growing density <strong>of</strong> mass media coverage, and<strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> peace movements and civil rights movements. It was alsodriven by internal academic factors ins<strong>of</strong>ar as positive Peace Research drewupon a longer Idealist–Liberal tradition that makes different assumptionsabout state identities. The fourth section turns to <strong>the</strong> reformulation <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> positive peace as structural violence, a challenge to bothStrategic Studies and older Liberal Peace Research traditions driven byevents which were to a large extent also linked to great power politics(decolonisation as a longer process, <strong>the</strong> oil crisis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> early 1970s, warsin <strong>the</strong> Third World, calls for a New International Economic Order, environmentaldegradation and <strong>the</strong> student uprisings in <strong>the</strong> late 1960s) andby internal academic debates, most significantly <strong>the</strong> popularity <strong>of</strong> Marxistand post-Marxist <strong>the</strong>ories in <strong>the</strong> wake <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> student protests in <strong>the</strong> late1960s.The fifth section is concerned with <strong>the</strong> internal dynamics <strong>of</strong> academicdebate within Peace Research, and it examines first <strong>the</strong> debatesover whe<strong>the</strong>r negative, military peace/<strong>security</strong> should be privileged, or

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