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the-evolution-of-international-security-studies

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structural violence, economics and <strong>the</strong> environment 1271973: 5). Kenneth E. Boulding held that <strong>the</strong>re ‘was <strong>the</strong> feeling, certainly in<strong>the</strong> 1960s and early 1970s, that nuclear deterrence was actually succeedingas deterrence and that <strong>the</strong> problem <strong>of</strong> nuclear war had receded into <strong>the</strong>background’ (Boulding, 1978: 346; Lopez, 1985: 125). With <strong>the</strong> election<strong>of</strong> Ronald Reagan in 1980 and <strong>the</strong> Second Cold War <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1980s, <strong>the</strong> relativebalance between military and development issues shifted back againin <strong>the</strong> direction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> former (Gleditsch, 1989: 3; Rogers, 2007: 44), andThird World countries were pushed towards <strong>the</strong> adoption <strong>of</strong> Liberal policieswhich ‘emphasized <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> free market forces and <strong>the</strong> downsizing<strong>of</strong> state bureaucracies and state regulations’ (Jackson and Sørensen, 1999:201).The broadening and deepening <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Peace Research agenda in <strong>the</strong> late1960s and 1970s, and in particular <strong>the</strong> form that this took, was also influencedby <strong>the</strong> way in which events interacted with <strong>the</strong> internal dynamics<strong>of</strong> academic debates. The import <strong>of</strong> Marxist economic <strong>the</strong>ory was in partattributable to a general wave <strong>of</strong> Marxist and post-Marxist <strong>the</strong>ory in <strong>the</strong>social sciences in Western Europe in <strong>the</strong> wake <strong>of</strong> student radicalism in <strong>the</strong>late 1960s (Gleditsch, 1989: 2). Scandinavian and especially West GermanPeace Researchers drew on <strong>the</strong> older Frankfurt School <strong>the</strong>orists Adorno,Horkheimer and Marcuse in pointing to <strong>the</strong> alienation and manipulation<strong>of</strong> citizens in late-modern Western societies, and, younger ‘radical’Peace Researchers went fur<strong>the</strong>r back to classical Marxists and Leninistwritings (Gleditsch, 2004: 17). The older Frankfurt School held a ra<strong>the</strong>rpessimistic view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> genuine democracy and popularresistance to <strong>the</strong> machinations <strong>of</strong> political, financial and cultural elites,whereas <strong>the</strong> younger Frankfurt School, represented by Habermas, allowedfor a more positive view <strong>of</strong> civil society, <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> so-called ‘life world’s’ abilityto resist systemic interests and <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> emancipation.The more pessimistic and radical branch <strong>of</strong> Neo-Marxist <strong>the</strong>ory was <strong>the</strong>stronger influence on 1970s Peace Research, whereas it was Habermas’s<strong>the</strong>ory that informed early Poststructuralist writings (Ashley, 1981) andlater Critical Security Studies (see chapter 7), which singled out ‘emancipation’as its core parallel concept (Alker, 1988; Booth, 1991, 1997, 2005a;Wyn Jones, 1995, 1999, 2005).During <strong>the</strong> 1980s, Peace Research becomes gradually more specialised(Wiberg, 1981; Gleditsch, 1989: 2) and less is published on ‘pure’ economicand development issues in key journals such as <strong>the</strong> Journal <strong>of</strong> PeaceResearch. There is a growing division <strong>of</strong> labour between Peace Researchand Development Studies as <strong>the</strong> latter becomes a distinct specialism, anda bigger differentiation between <strong>the</strong> sub-disciplines <strong>of</strong> IR and IPE. Peace

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