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<strong>the</strong> technological imperative 175Gordon, 1994; Mattoo, 1996), and <strong>the</strong>n with <strong>the</strong> Indian and Pakistanitests in 1998, over <strong>the</strong>ir nuclear status. 5 The reality <strong>of</strong> a new nuclear dyadin South Asia triggered discussions about <strong>the</strong> implications for <strong>the</strong> stability<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> India–Pakistan relationship, and how deterrence would work,or not, in this context (Bhimaya, 1994; Hagerty, 1995/6; Joeck, 1997;Heisbourg, 1998/9; Zook, 2000; Quinlan, 2000/1; Basrur, 2001). BeyondSouth Asia what would be <strong>the</strong> implications for <strong>the</strong> Sino–Indian relationship(Garver, 2001) and India’s strategic position generally (Tellis, 2002)?Although nei<strong>the</strong>r India nor Pakistan was a member <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> NPT, <strong>the</strong>re waswidespread concern about how <strong>the</strong> arrival <strong>of</strong> two new nuclear weaponsstates might damage <strong>the</strong> non-proliferation regime generally (Singh, 1998;Gupta, 1999; Talbott, 1999; Thakur, 1999; Vivekanandan, 1999; Mahapatra,2000; Mutimer, 2000; Nizamani, 2001; Shaikh, 2002), and challengeUS non-proliferation policy in particular (Mahmudul, 1997; Singer et al.,1998; Ayoob, 1999; Mistry, 1999; Carranza, 2002).The o<strong>the</strong>r region <strong>of</strong> intense interest regarding proliferation was <strong>the</strong>Middle East, where Israel was a long-standing nuclear weapon stateand subject <strong>of</strong> interest (Sayed, 1993; Inbar and Sandler, 1993/4; Keeley,1993/4; Cochran, 1996; Cohen, 1998). During <strong>the</strong> 1990s, Iraq (Kelly,1996) and increasingly Iran (Chubin, 1995; Eisenstadt, 1999) were widelysuspected <strong>of</strong> aspiring to that status. In this region, as elsewhere, concernabout nuclear proliferation was accompanied by that about <strong>the</strong> proliferation<strong>of</strong> missile capability and <strong>the</strong> Missile Technology Control Regime(MTCR) (A. Karp, 1991; Pedatzur, 1994; Pikayev et al., 1998). And, as inSouth Asia, <strong>the</strong> seeming approach <strong>of</strong> states crossing <strong>the</strong> nuclear thresholdrevived interest in proliferation chains (Russell, 2001), and <strong>the</strong> implicationsand prospects for arms control (Oxenstierna, 1999; Solingen, 2001).By <strong>the</strong> 1990s, Latin America was no longer <strong>of</strong> much concern as a possiblesite <strong>of</strong> proliferation, but it still attracted some attention in <strong>the</strong> literature,mainly as historical retrospectives (Carasales, 1996; Wrobel, 1996;Hymans, 2001).Like <strong>the</strong> literature on non-proliferation, o<strong>the</strong>r technology-driven concernsalso showed a lot <strong>of</strong> continuity. Long-standing debates about <strong>the</strong>MIC (Hartung, 2001) and arms racing (Gray, 1996; Sample, 1997; Diehland Crescenzi, 1998; Koubi, 1999) simply carried on without much impactfrom<strong>the</strong>ending<strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong>ColdWar.ThedebatesonNoDlost<strong>the</strong>irNATO5 Ahmed et al., 1998; Chellaney, 1998/9; Ahmed, 1999; Ahrari, 1999; Chellaney, 1999; Ganguly,1999; Gizweski, 1999; Hagerty, 1999; Huntley, 1999; Synnott, 1999; Yasmeen, 1999;Ahmed, 2000; Bajpai, 2000; Kampani, 2001.

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