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the-evolution-of-international-security-studies

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from peace to <strong>security</strong> 143thinking in that actors or identities were no longer stable and given entitiesto which Peace Researchers or <strong>security</strong> <strong>the</strong>orists could refer. National<strong>security</strong> was not, in short, something that could be assessed throughan analysis <strong>of</strong> which threats a nation confronted, but ra<strong>the</strong>r a processthrough which ‘<strong>the</strong> nation’ came to be produced and reproduced with aparticular identity. Threats <strong>the</strong>mselves were <strong>the</strong>refore also discursive: toconstitute something as threatening was to invoke ‘discourses <strong>of</strong> dangerand <strong>security</strong>’, and to situate that ‘something’ as <strong>of</strong> a particular importanceto <strong>the</strong> threatened Self (Dillon, 1990: 102). Drawing upon Foucault,Poststructuralists fur<strong>the</strong>rmore emphasised <strong>the</strong> significance <strong>of</strong> power andknowledge, <strong>of</strong> <strong>security</strong> discourses as ‘plays <strong>of</strong> power which mobilize rules,codes and procedures to assert a particular understanding, through <strong>the</strong>construction <strong>of</strong> knowledge’ (Dalby, 1988: 416). Knowledge in turn wasnot free <strong>of</strong> value judgements, and <strong>the</strong> claim to objectivity that Classicalpositivists and ISS traditionalists espouse was thus problematised.Security politics, argued Poststructuralism, was fundamentally about<strong>the</strong> construction <strong>of</strong> a radically different, inferior and threatening O<strong>the</strong>r,but also, since identity is always relational, about <strong>the</strong> Self. The focus on <strong>the</strong>constitution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> O<strong>the</strong>r broadened <strong>the</strong> scope <strong>of</strong> traditional <strong>security</strong> analysisin that Poststructuralists argued that <strong>security</strong> policies were directednot only against an external O<strong>the</strong>r – usually o<strong>the</strong>r states and alliances –but also against internal O<strong>the</strong>rs as <strong>the</strong>se were ‘located in different sites<strong>of</strong> ethnicity, race, class, gender, or locale’ (Campbell, 1990: 270). Linkingback to <strong>the</strong> central questions at <strong>the</strong> heart <strong>of</strong> ISS laid out in chapter 2,Poststructuralists advocated a critical scrutiny <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ways in which policydiscourse as well as (parts <strong>of</strong>) Realism and Strategic Studies pointed to<strong>the</strong> need for societal cohesion as this ‘need’ produced <strong>the</strong> objects <strong>of</strong> fearand difference which were to be eradicated or transformed.Poststructuralism in <strong>the</strong> 1980s explored <strong>the</strong>se <strong>the</strong>mes through two –sometimes intersecting – routes: one which dealt with <strong>security</strong> as anabstract practice situated within <strong>the</strong> larger structures <strong>of</strong> state sovereignty,and one which engaged <strong>the</strong> political context <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> antagonistic superpowerrelationship. As one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> key <strong>the</strong>orists in <strong>the</strong> first tradition, Walkertraced <strong>the</strong> historical <strong>evolution</strong> <strong>of</strong> state sovereignty and its link to modernconceptions <strong>of</strong> <strong>security</strong> (Walker, 1987, 1990). Walker held that <strong>the</strong> principle<strong>of</strong> state sovereignty provided a very powerful answer to <strong>the</strong> problem<strong>of</strong> political identity in that it <strong>of</strong>fered a spatial solution, where citizenswere located within <strong>the</strong> sharply demarcated territory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> state, anda temporal solution, where progress and ‘universalizing standards’ werepossible on <strong>the</strong> inside, whereas power and conflict made global, universal

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