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the-evolution-of-international-security-studies

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102 <strong>the</strong> cold war challenge to national <strong>security</strong>Liberal tradition <strong>of</strong> critically scrutinising <strong>the</strong> relationship between citizensand <strong>the</strong> institutions <strong>of</strong> authority and sovereignty described in chapter 2.Peace Researchers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1960s and 1970s did not, however, go through<strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> <strong>security</strong> in launching <strong>the</strong>ir critique <strong>of</strong> Strategic Studies,but through <strong>the</strong> oppositional concept <strong>of</strong> ‘peace’. Peace Researchers fur<strong>the</strong>rdivided ‘peace’ into positive and negative peace. Negative peace wasdefined as <strong>the</strong> absence <strong>of</strong> war, large-scale physical violence or personalviolence and opened up a research agenda on military <strong>security</strong> (Galtung,1969: 183). Positive peace had multiple connotations. In <strong>the</strong> 1950s and1960s, it was defined as ‘<strong>the</strong> integration <strong>of</strong> human society’ (JPR, 1964:2), but towards <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1960s, it was reformulated to include‘structural violence’, which emphasised social injustice and inequality(Galtung, 1969: 168, 171, 175). Successful academic concepts <strong>of</strong>ten owe<strong>the</strong>ir popularity to <strong>the</strong>ir ability to encapsulate a body <strong>of</strong> existing or burgeoningresearch while simultaneously outlining a conceptually focusednew research agenda. Structural violence fitted this formula perfectly.It provided an anchor for work on development issues, imperialism,domestic conflicts in Western as well as Third World societies, environmentalresources, human rights and economic exploitation. It incorporatedparts <strong>of</strong> a critical Marxist agenda while not endorsing <strong>the</strong> radicalMarxist call for violent r<strong>evolution</strong>. Yet, in a premonition <strong>of</strong> post-Cold Warwidening debates in ISS, this expansion <strong>of</strong> ‘peace’ beyond <strong>the</strong> absence <strong>of</strong>war/conflict was criticised, not only by Strategic Studies, but from withinPeace Research itself.Like Strategic Studies, nei<strong>the</strong>r Arms Control nor Peace Research explicitlyforegrounded ‘<strong>security</strong>’, featuring instead complementary, parallel andoppositional concepts: détente, arms control, peace, structural violence,basic human needs and social justice. In 1983, Buzan (1983, 1984a) couldthus describe <strong>security</strong> as ‘an underdeveloped concept’, but as <strong>the</strong> decadewore on, ‘<strong>security</strong>’ appeared as a concept bridging <strong>the</strong> fields <strong>of</strong> StrategicStudies and Peace Research. The concept <strong>of</strong> common <strong>security</strong>, coinedby<strong>the</strong> Palme Commission in 1982 linked arms control and broader concernsfor <strong>the</strong> livelihood <strong>of</strong> people across <strong>the</strong> globe and became a popular conceptconnecting <strong>the</strong> policy world and <strong>the</strong> critical parts <strong>of</strong> ISS. Articles whichexpanded <strong>the</strong> military conception <strong>of</strong> <strong>security</strong> into environmental andeconomic <strong>security</strong> began to appear in such prominent journals as InternationalSecurity (Ullman, 1983) and International Organization (Buzan,1984b). Finally, two new academic perspectives, Poststructuralism andFeminism, which had made an impact on <strong>the</strong> social sciences and <strong>the</strong>humanities in general, grew out <strong>of</strong> Peace Research to establish <strong>the</strong>mselves

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