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the-evolution-of-international-security-studies

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104 <strong>the</strong> cold war challenge to national <strong>security</strong>whe<strong>the</strong>r positive peace should be given equal status. The analysis alsoexamines <strong>the</strong> shifts in <strong>the</strong> relative balance between positive and negativeapproaches, relating it to events and academic fashions outside PeaceResearch itself. It presents <strong>the</strong> debates over epistemology and methodologywithin Peace Research which pitched behavioural, quantitative andgame-<strong>the</strong>oretical approaches against broader normative, but still largelypositivist, perspectives.The sixth section is also driven by internal academic forces ins<strong>of</strong>ar asit examines <strong>the</strong> turn from <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> peace to <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> <strong>security</strong>.First comes a shorter section on Common Security, beforetwoseparateaccounts <strong>of</strong> how Feminist Security Studies and Poststructuralism followedon from a Peace Research agenda. The seventh and final section<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> chapter turns to <strong>the</strong> question <strong>of</strong> institutionalisation and providesan account <strong>of</strong> how Peace Research as a whole was brought into <strong>the</strong> institutions<strong>of</strong> academe through university education and research, journals,textbooks and associations, and how it was supported by foundations andthink-tanks.Peace Research and Arms ControlPeace Researchers questioned both <strong>the</strong> morality and <strong>the</strong> rationality <strong>of</strong>Strategic Studies (Bull, 1968; Wiberg, 1981) and <strong>the</strong> meanings <strong>of</strong> warand peace (Galtung, 1969). They worried about <strong>the</strong> seeming co-option <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> academic debates (and some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> debaters) by <strong>the</strong> national <strong>security</strong>policies <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> US in particular and <strong>the</strong> Western alliance as a whole. Therewas a monumental set <strong>of</strong> ethical questions raised by nuclear deterrence(Winters, 1986), not <strong>the</strong> least <strong>of</strong> which were <strong>the</strong> explicit leaving <strong>of</strong> one’spopulation as hostage to <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r side’s nuclear weapons in policies <strong>of</strong>MAD, and <strong>the</strong> explicit willingness to plan <strong>the</strong> mass murder <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rside.The motives and political analysis behind this opposition varied sharplyand came in many mixtures: traditional pacifists opposed to all violence;nuclear pacifists opposed to <strong>the</strong> threat that such weapons posed to <strong>the</strong>survival <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> human race; ideological sympathisers and fellow-travellerson <strong>the</strong> political left who saw <strong>the</strong> US as equally, or more <strong>of</strong>, a threat than <strong>the</strong>Soviet Union; strategists (working under <strong>the</strong> new topic <strong>of</strong> Arms Control)who came to think that <strong>the</strong> dangers <strong>of</strong> nuclear rivalry created a commoninterest in survival between <strong>the</strong> two superpowers; and people whoargued that <strong>the</strong> ideological struggle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Cold War was not <strong>the</strong> only,or in some cases even <strong>the</strong> most important, <strong>international</strong> <strong>security</strong> issue

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