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the-evolution-of-international-security-studies

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discursive <strong>security</strong> 213widening literatures from <strong>the</strong> 1980s that had mainly focused on <strong>the</strong> economicand environmental sectors. In Western Europe, increased integrationwithin <strong>the</strong> EU made ‘European integration’ a threat to nationalconstituencies fearing <strong>the</strong> loss <strong>of</strong> political sovereignty as well as culturalautonomy, and immigration was also presented as a threat to nationalidentity. ‘Societal <strong>security</strong>’ was defined as ‘<strong>the</strong> ability <strong>of</strong> a society to persistin its essential character under changing conditions and possible oractual threats’ (Wæver et al., 1993: 23). While <strong>the</strong> state was <strong>the</strong> referentobject for political, military, environmental and economic <strong>security</strong>, it was‘society’ that constituted <strong>the</strong> referent object for societal <strong>security</strong> (Wæveret al., 1993: 26). This opened up for <strong>the</strong> study <strong>of</strong> ‘identity <strong>security</strong>’ andpointed to cases where state and societies did not align, for instance whennational minorities were threatened by ‘<strong>the</strong>ir’ state, or where <strong>the</strong> state, oro<strong>the</strong>r political actors, mobilised society to confront internal or externalthreats.The Copenhagen School explicitly constituted this as a middle positionbetween traditionalist state-centrism on <strong>the</strong> one hand and equally traditionalPeace Research’s and Critical Security Studies’ calls for ‘individual’or ‘global <strong>security</strong>’ on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r. ‘Societal <strong>security</strong>’ limited <strong>the</strong> possiblereferent object to two collective units, state and society, and excluded <strong>the</strong>individual and <strong>the</strong> global. According to Wæver, ‘it seems reasonable to beconservative along this [referent object] axis, accepting that “<strong>security</strong>” isinfluenced in important ways by dynamics at <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> individuals and<strong>the</strong> global system, but not by propagating unclear terms such as individual<strong>security</strong> and global <strong>security</strong>’ (Wæver, 1995: 49; McSweeney, 1996, 1998;Buzan and Wæver, 1997).Societal <strong>security</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory made reference to ‘possible or actual threats’and was still to some extent linked to an objective definition <strong>of</strong> <strong>security</strong>,although <strong>the</strong> emphasis on how political actors pointed to identityas being threatened had a Constructivist element to it. This ambiguitywas later resolved in favour <strong>of</strong> a discursive conception <strong>of</strong> <strong>security</strong> in that<strong>the</strong> ‘securitisation’ approach, developed by Wæver, made <strong>the</strong> definition<strong>of</strong> <strong>security</strong> dependent on its successful construction in discourse. Securitisation<strong>the</strong>ory has three main roots: one in speech act <strong>the</strong>ory, one in aSchmittian understanding <strong>of</strong> <strong>security</strong> and exceptional politics, and one intraditionalist <strong>security</strong> debates (Williams, 2003; Huysmans, 2006b: 124–144). Combining <strong>the</strong>se three, <strong>the</strong> general concept <strong>of</strong> ‘<strong>security</strong>’ is drawnfrom its constitution within national <strong>security</strong> discourse, which implies anemphasis on authority, <strong>the</strong> confronting – and construction – <strong>of</strong> threatsand enemies, an ability to make decisions and <strong>the</strong> adoption <strong>of</strong> emergency

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