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George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography - Get a Free Blog

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assured batch of delegates from the South." "<strong>The</strong> Republican Party strategy," argued<br />

Rusher, needs refiguring, given a chance to break into this bloc once denied them...." His<br />

conclusion was that ""Republicans can put themselves in the position of having the<br />

Southern bloc as a starting handicap; after that, they can compete for the rest of the<br />

country, needing only that 50 per cent minus (say) 111 [of the electoral college votes]."<br />

Doing all this, Rusher contended, would allow Republican Presidential candidates to<br />

ignore the " traditional centers of urban liberalism," especially in the northeast. [fn 4]<br />

<strong>The</strong>se ideas were further refined in Richard Nixon's brain trust, presided over by Wall<br />

Street bond lawyer John Mitchell at 445 Park Avenue, and received their definitive<br />

elaboration from Kevin Phillips, who in those years advanced the thesis that the "whole<br />

secret of politics" is in "knowing who hates who," which is of course another way of<br />

speaking of wedge issues.<br />

<strong>The</strong> result of the successful application of the Southern Strategy in 1968 and in the<br />

following years has been a a period of more than two decades of one-party Republican<br />

control over the Executive Branch, of which <strong>George</strong> <strong>Bush</strong> personally has been the<br />

leading beneficiary, first through his multiple appointments, then through the vicepresidency,<br />

and now through the possession of the White House itself. This has had the<br />

decisive structural consequence of making possible the kind of continuous, entrenched<br />

bureaucratic power that we see in the <strong>Bush</strong> regime and its leading functionaries. As we<br />

will see, such administrators of the corporate state as James Baker and Brent Scowcroft,<br />

for whom the exercise of executive power has long since become a way of life, appear to<br />

themsleves and to others as immune to the popular reckoning. <strong>The</strong> democratic republic<br />

requires the moment of catharsis, of throwing the bums out, if the arrogance of the<br />

powerful is ever to be chastened. If there is no prospect for the White House changing<br />

hands, this amounts to a one- party state. <strong>The</strong> southern Republican Party, including twoparty<br />

Texas, has provided the Republican lock on the White House which has proven a<br />

mighty stimulus to those tendencies towards authoritarian and even totalitarian rule<br />

which have culminated in the Administrative Fascism of the current <strong>Bush</strong> regime.<br />

<strong>Bush</strong>'s opponent in that Goldwater year of 1964 was Senator Ralph Webster Yarborough.<br />

Yarborough had been born in Chandler, Texas in 1903 as the seventh of eleven children.<br />

He attended public schools in Chandler and Tyler, worked on a farm, and went on to<br />

attend Sam Houston State Teachers College and, for one year, the US Military Academy<br />

at West Point. He was a member of the 36th division of the Texas National Guard, in<br />

which he advanced from private to sergeant. After World War I he worked a passage to<br />

Europe on board a freighter, and found a job in Germany working in the offices of the<br />

American Chamber of Commerce in Berlin. He also pursued studies in Stendahl,<br />

Germany. He returned to the United States to earn a law degree at the University of<br />

Texas in 1927, and worked as a lawyer in El Paso. At one point he found a job as a<br />

harvest hand in the Oklahoma dust bowl of the late 1920's, and also served a stint as a<br />

roughneck in the oil fields. Yarborough entered public service as an Assistant Attorney<br />

General of Texas from 1931 to 1934. After that, he was a founding director of the Lower<br />

Colorado River Authority, a major water project in central Texas, and was then elected as<br />

a district judge in Austin.

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