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George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography - Get a Free Blog

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Even the escalation of the Iraqi troop buildup had not disturbed the official US posture of<br />

blase' indifference in the face of the crisis. It was a deliberate and studied deception<br />

operation, what the Russians call maskirovka.<br />

<strong>Bush</strong> would have known all about the additional Iraqi troops at least 36 hours earlier,<br />

through satellite photos and embassy reports. But still <strong>Bush</strong> remained silent as a tomb.<br />

<strong>Bush</strong> had plenty of opportunity that day to say something about the Gulf; he met with the<br />

GOP Congressional leadership for more than an hour on the morning of July 31 and,<br />

according to participants, told them he was "annoyed" at the pace of the budget talks,<br />

which remained stalemated. At this time the White House was receiving intelligence<br />

reports that made an Iraqi invasion seem more likely, and some officials were quoted in<br />

the New York Times of the next day as having "expressed growing concern that hostilities<br />

could break out...." But <strong>Bush</strong> said nothing, did nothing.<br />

<strong>The</strong>n, in the afternoon, <strong>Bush</strong> reluctantly received a Latvian delegation led by Ivars<br />

Godmanis. <strong>The</strong> Latvian request for an audience had at first been rudely rejected by the<br />

White House, but then acceded to under pressure from some influential senators.<br />

Godmanis wanted recognition and aid, but <strong>Bush</strong> made no committments, and limited<br />

himself to asking several "very exact questions."<br />

On Wednesday, August 1, <strong>Bush</strong> was undoubtedly not amused by a New York Times<br />

account showing that one of his former top White House aides, Robert L. Thompson, had<br />

abused his access to government information in order to help his clients to make<br />

advantageous deals for themselves in buying S&Ls. In the evening, about 9 PM, reports<br />

began to reach Washington that Iraqi forces had crossed the border into Kuwait in large<br />

numbers. From the moment the crisis had emerged on July 16-17 until the moment of the<br />

invasion, <strong>Bush</strong> had preserved a posture of nonchalant silence. But now things began to<br />

happen very rapidly. Scowcroft and <strong>Bush</strong> drafted a statement which was released by<br />

11:20 PM. This strongly condemned the Iraqi invasion and demanded "the immediate and<br />

unconditional withdrawal of all Iraqi forces." <strong>The</strong> New York Times of August 2, in<br />

reporting the Iraqi invasion, recorded the surface posture of the <strong>Bush</strong> regime:<br />

Despite its efforts to deter an attack on Kuwait, the <strong>Bush</strong> Administration never said<br />

precisely what the United States would do if Iraq launched a small scale or large scale<br />

attack on Kuwait. <strong>The</strong> vagueness of the American pronouncements, which eschewed any<br />

explicit promise to come to Kuwait's assistance, disturbed some Kuwaiti officials, who<br />

hoped for a firmer statement of American intentions that would be backed up by a greater<br />

demonstration of military force.<br />

On Thursday, <strong>Bush</strong> was scheduled to fly to Aspen Colorado for a meeting with Margaret<br />

Thatcher, a personage of whom <strong>Bush</strong> was in awe. Thatcher, whose rise to power had<br />

included a little help from <strong>Bush</strong> in sweeping the Labour Party out of government in<br />

accordance with the designs of Lord Victor Rothschild, had now been in power for over<br />

11 years, and had assured her place in the pantheon of Anglo-Saxon worthies. This<br />

dessicated mummy of British imperialism had been invited to Aspen, Colorado, to hold<br />

forth on the future of the west, and <strong>Bush</strong> was scheduled to confer with her there. At 5

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