George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography - Get a Free Blog

to cooperate fully with the Committee" and "expects Ambassador Bush to do likewise
once he becomes Director. As you are aware, the work of both the Church and Pike
Committees is slated to wind up shortly." [fn 14] In case he were asked about Bush
politicizing the CIA, Ford was to answer:" "I believe that Republicans and Democrats
who know George Bush and have worked with him know that he does not let politics and
partisanship interfere with the performance of public duty." That was a mouthful. "Nearly
all of the men and women in this and preceeding Administrations have had partisan
identities and have held partisan party posts." "George Bush is a part of that American
tradition and he will demonstrate this when he assumes his new duties."
But when Ford, in an appearance on a Sunday talk show, was asked if he were ready to
exclude Bush as a possible vice-presidential candidate, he refused to do so, answering "I
don't think people of talent ought to be excluded from any field of public service." At a
press conference, Ford said, "I don't think he's eliminated from consideration by anybody,
the delegates or the convention or myself.
In the meantime, Bush was in touch with the Ford White House about his impending
return to Washington. On November 27 he wrote to Max L. Friedersdorf, an assistant to
Ford: "We'll be back there in mid-December. It looks like I am walking into the midst of
a real whirlwind, but all I know to do is to give it my all and be direct with the
Committee." Then, pencilled in by hand: "Max- I will be there in EOB on the 10th--
Jennifer Fitzgerald with me now in China will be setting up a schedule for me a day or so
in advance," and would Fridersdorf please cooperate with Bush's girl Friday. [fn 15]
Ford's lobbying operation went into high gear. Inside the White House, Max Friedersdorf
wrote a memo to William Kendall on November 6, sending along the useful fact that "I
understand that Senator Howard Baker is most anxious to assist in the confirmation of
George Bush at the CIA." Mike Duval wrote to Jack Marsh on November 18 that "[Rep.]
Sonny Montgomery (a close friend of Bush) should contact Senator Stennis." Duval also
related his findings that "Senators McGee and Bellmon will be most supportive," while
"Senator Stieger can advise you what House members would be most useful in talking to
their own Senators, if that is needed." [fn 16] It was.
Bush's confirmation hearings got under way on December 15, 1975. Even judged by
Bush's standards of today, they constitute a landmark exercise in sanctimonious
hypocrisy so astounding as to defy comprehension. If Bush were ever to try an acting
career, he might be best cast in the role of Moliere's Tartuffe.
Bush's sponsor was GOP Senator Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, the ranking
Republican on Senator John Stennis's Senate Armed Services Committee. Later, in 1988,
it was to be Thurmond's political protege, Lee Atwater, cunning in the ways of the GOP
"southern strategy," who ran Bush's presidential campaign. Thurmond unloaded a
mawkish panegyric in favor of Bush: "I think all of this shows an interest on your part in
humanity, in civic development, love of your country, and willingness to serve your
fellow man." Could the aide writing that, even if it was Lee Atwater, have kept a straight
face?