George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography - Get a Free Blog

The previous evening, in a televison appearance, Reagan had suggested that "the Soviet
Union is going to throw a few bones to Mr. Carter during this coming campaign to help
him continue as president." [fn 35]
Although Casey and Meese had defined a broad range of possibilities for the October
surprise, the most prominent of these was certainly the liberation of the American
hostages in Iran. A poll showed that if the hostages were to be released during the period
between October 18 and October 25, Carter could receive a 10% increase in popular vote
on election day.
The "incumbency watch" set up by Casey, would go beyond surveillance and become a
dirty tricks operation against Carter, including by attempting to block the liberation of the
hostages before the November, 1980 election.
What follows was in essence a pitched battle between two fascist gangs, the Carter White
House and the Bush-Casey forces. Out of this 1980 gang warfare, the post-1981 United
States regime would emerge. In the event the temple of Apollo in New Haven defeated
the temple of Dionysios in Plains, Georgia.
Carter and Brzezinski had deliberately toppled the Shah, deliberately installed Khomeini
in power. This was an integral part of Brzezinski's "arc of crisis" geopolitical lunacy,
another made-in-London artefact which called for the US to support the rise of Khomeini,
and his personal brand of fanaticism, a militant heresy within Islam. US arms deliveries
were made to Iran during the time of the Shah; during the short-lived Baktiar government
at the end of the Shah's reign; and continuously after the advent of Khomeini. There are
indications that the Carter regime connived with Khomeini to get the hostages taken in
the first place; the existence of the hostages would allow Carter to continue arms
deliveries and other vital forms of support for Khomeini under the pretext that he was
doing it out of love for Khomeini, but in order to free the hostages. It was, in short, the
same charade that was later acted out under Reagan.
A little-noted aspect of the Carter arms negotiations with Khomeini during the hostage
crisis is the possible involvement of networks friendly to Bush. On December 7, 1979,
less than two months after the hostages were seized, Assistant Secretary of State Harold
Saunders was contacted by a certain Cyrus Hashemi, an Iranian arms dealer and agent of
the Iranian SAVAK secret police. Hashemi proposed a deal to free the hostages, and
submitted a memorandum calling for the removal of the ailing expatriate Shah from US
territory; an apology by the US to the people of Iran for past US interference; the creation
of a United Nations Commission; and the unfreezing of the Iranian financial assets seized
by Carter and arms and spare parts deliveries by the US to Iran. All of this was summed
up in a memorandum submitted to Secretary of State Cyrus Vance. [fn 36]
The remarkable aspect of this encounter was that Cyrus Hashemi was accompanied by
his lawyer, John Stanley Pottinger. The account of the 1976 Letelier case provided above
has established that Pottinger was a close Bush collaborator. Pottinger, it will be recalled,
had served as Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights in the Nixon and Ford