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George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography - Get a Free Blog

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new revenues. <strong>The</strong>y also bought <strong>Bush</strong>'s rosy economic forecast of higher economic<br />

growth and lower interest rates. Senate Majority Leader Mitchell, accepting his pathetic<br />

rubber-stamp role, commented only that "much sterner measures will be required in the<br />

future." Since the Democrats were incapable of proposing an economic recovery program<br />

in order to deal with the depression, they were condemned to give <strong>Bush</strong> what he wanted.<br />

This particular swindle would come back to haunt all concerned, but not before the<br />

spectacular budget debacle of October, 1990.<br />

In the spring of 1990, according to an estimate by Sid Taylor of the National Taxpayers'<br />

Union, the total potential liabilities of the US Federal government exceeded $14 thousand<br />

billion. At that point the national debt totalled $2.8 billion, but this estimate included the<br />

committments of the Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation, the Federal<br />

Deposit Insurance Corporation, the Pension Benefit Guarantee Corporation, and other<br />

agencies.<br />

<strong>Bush</strong>'s inability to pull his regime together for a serious round of domestic austerity was<br />

not appreciated by the crowd at the Bank for International Settlements in Geneva. Evelyn<br />

Rothschild's London Economist summed up the international banking view of <strong>George</strong>'s<br />

temporizing on this score with its headline, "<strong>Bush</strong> Bumbles."<br />

A few weeks into the new administration, it was the collapse of the FSLIC, studiously<br />

ignored by the waning Reagan Administration, that reached critical mass. On February 6,<br />

1989, <strong>Bush</strong> announced measures that his image-mongers billed as the most sweeping and<br />

significant piece of financial legislation since the creation of the Federal Reserve Board<br />

on the eve of World War I. This was the savings and loan bailout, a new orgy in the<br />

monetization of debt and a giant step towards the consolidation of a neo-fascist corporate<br />

state.<br />

At the heart of <strong>Bush</strong>'s policy was his refusal to acknowledge the existence of an<br />

economic crisis of collossal proportions which had among its symptoms the gathering<br />

collapse of the real estate market after the stock market crash of October, 1987. <strong>The</strong><br />

sequence of a stock market panic followed by a real estate and banking crisis closely<br />

followed the sequence of the Great Depression of the 1930's. But <strong>Bush</strong> violently rejected<br />

the existence of such a crisis, and was grimly determined to push on with more of the<br />

same. This meant that federal government would simply take control of the savings<br />

banks, the overwhelming majority of which were bankrupt or imminently bankrupt. <strong>The</strong><br />

savings banks would then be sold off. <strong>The</strong> depositors might get their money, but the<br />

result would be the total debasement of the currency and a deepening depression all<br />

around. In the process, the US federal government would become one of the main owners<br />

of real estate, buildings, and the worthless junk bonds that had been spewed out by <strong>Bush</strong>'s<br />

friend Henry Kravis and his partner Michael Millken during the heady days of the boom.<br />

<strong>The</strong> federal government would create a new world of bonded debt to pay for the savings<br />

banks that would be seized. When <strong>Bush</strong> announced his bailout that February, he stated<br />

that $40 billion had already been poured into the S&L sinkhole, and that he proposed to<br />

issue an additional $50 billion in new bonds through a financing corporation, a subsidiary

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