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George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography - Get a Free Blog

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Chapter -XXIII- <strong>The</strong> End of History<br />

Der Staat ist als die Wirklichkeit des substantiellen Willens, die er in dem zu<br />

seiner Allgemeinheit erhobenen besonderen Selbstbewusstseyn hat, das an und<br />

fuer sich Vernuenftige. Diese substantielle Einheit ist absoluter unbewegter<br />

Selbstzweck, in welchem die Freiheit zu ihrem hoechsten Recht kommt, so wie<br />

dieser Endzweck das hoechste Recht gegen die Einzelnen hat, deren hoechste<br />

Pflicht es ist, Mitglieder des Staats zu seyn.<br />

G.W.F. Hegel, Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts.<br />

<strong>George</strong> <strong>Bush</strong>'s inaugural address of January 21, 1989, was on the whole an eminently<br />

colorless and forgettable oration. <strong>The</strong> speech was for the most part a rehash of the tired<br />

demagogy of <strong>Bush</strong>'s election campaign, with the ritual references to "a thousand points of<br />

light" and the hollow pledge that when it came to the drug inundation which <strong>Bush</strong> had<br />

supposedly been fighting for most of the decade, "This scourge will stop." <strong>Bush</strong> talked of<br />

"stewardship" being passed on from one generation to another. <strong>The</strong>re was almost nothing<br />

about the state of the US economy. <strong>Bush</strong> was preoccupied with the "divisiveness" left<br />

over from the Vietnam era, and this he pledged to end in favor of a return to bipartisan<br />

consensus between the president and the Congress, since "the statute of limitations has<br />

been reached. This is a fact: <strong>The</strong> final lesson of Vietnam is that no great nation can long<br />

afford to be sundered by a memory." <strong>The</strong>re is good reason to believe that <strong>Bush</strong> was<br />

already contemplating the new round of foreign military adventures which were not long<br />

in coming.<br />

One thing is certain: <strong>Bush</strong>'s inaugural address contained no promise to keep the peace of<br />

the sort that had figured in his New Orleans acceptance speech back in August.<br />

<strong>The</strong> characteristic note of <strong>Bush</strong>'s remarks came at the outset, in the passages in which he<br />

celebrated the triumph of the American variant of the bureaucratic-authoritarian police<br />

state, based on usury, which chooses to characterize itself as "freedom:"<br />

We know what works: <strong>Free</strong>dom works. We know what's right: <strong>Free</strong>dom is right. We know how to<br />

secure a more just and prosperous life for man on Earth- through free markets, free speech, free<br />

elections, and the exercise of free will unhampered by the state.<br />

For the first time in this century, for the first time perhaps in all history, man does not have to<br />

invent a system by which to live. We don't have to talk late into the night about which form of<br />

government is better. We don't have to wrest justice from the kings. We only have to summon it<br />

from within ourselves. We must act on what we know. [fn 1]<br />

After the inauguration ceremonies at the Capitol were completed, <strong>George</strong> and Barbara<br />

<strong>Bush</strong> descended Pennsylvania Avenue towards the White House in a triumphant<br />

progress, getting out of their limousine every block or two to walk among the crowds and<br />

savour the ovations. <strong>George</strong> <strong>Bush</strong>, imperial administrator and bureaucrat, had now<br />

reached the apex of his career, the last station of the cursus honorum: the chief<br />

magistracy. <strong>Bush</strong> now assumed leadership of a Washington bureaucracy that was

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