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George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography - Get a Free Blog

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<strong>The</strong>re were other, formidable candidates, but none was so aggressive as Chairman<br />

<strong>George</strong>. Nelson Rockefeller, who had resigned as Governor of New York some months<br />

before to devote more time to his own consuming ambition and to his Commission on<br />

Critical Choices, was in many ways the front runner. Nelson's vast notoriety, his<br />

imposing cursus honorum, his own powerful Wall Street network, his financial and<br />

banking faction-- all of these would count heavily in his favor. But Nelson, having been<br />

the incarnation of the Eastern Liberal Establishment internationalists against whom<br />

Goldwater had campaigned so hard in 1964, also had a very high negative. People hated<br />

Nelson. His support was considerable, but he had more active opposition than any other<br />

candidate. This meant that Ford had to hesitate in choosing Nelson because of what the<br />

blowback might mean for a probable Ford candidacy in 1976.<br />

<strong>The</strong> conservative Republicans all regarded Goldwater as their sentimental favorite, but<br />

they also knew that Ford would be reluctant to select him because of a different set of<br />

implications for 1976. Beyond Rockefeller and Goldwater, each a leader of a wing of the<br />

party, the names multiplied: Senator Howard Baker, Elliot Richardson, Governor<br />

William Scranton, Melvin Laird, Senator Bill Brock, Governor Dan Evans, Donald<br />

Rumsfeld, and many others. <strong>Bush</strong> knew that if he could get Goldwater to show him some<br />

support, the Goldwater conservatives could be motivated to make their influence felt for<br />

<strong>Bush</strong>, and this might conceivably put him over the top, despite Rockefeller's strength in<br />

the financial and intelligence communities. Part of the battle would be to convince Ford<br />

that <strong>Bush</strong> would be a bigger asset for 1976.<br />

First Chairman <strong>George</strong> had to put on the mask of conciliation and moderation. As Nixon<br />

was preparing his departure speech, <strong>Bush</strong> lost no time in meeting with Ford, now less<br />

than 24 hours away from being sworn in as president. <strong>Bush</strong> told the press that Ford had<br />

"said he'd be pleased if I stayed on" at the RNC, but had to concede that Ford had given<br />

no indication as to his choice for the vice president. <strong>Bush</strong>'s network in the House of<br />

Representatives, maintained since his Rubbers days, was now fully mobilized, with "a<br />

showing of significant support in the House and among GOP officials" for <strong>Bush</strong> on the<br />

day before Nixon left town. <strong>Bush</strong> also put out a statement from the RNC saying, "<strong>The</strong><br />

battle is over. Now is the time for kindess...Let us all try now to restore to our society a<br />

climate of civility." But despite the hypocritical kinder and gentler rhetoric, Chairman<br />

<strong>George</strong>'s struggle for power was just beginning. [fn 2]<br />

Melvin Laird soon came out for Rockefeller, and there were sentimental displays for<br />

Goldwater in many quarters. With <strong>Bush</strong>'s network in full career, he was beginning to<br />

attract favorable mention from the columnists. Evans and Novak on August 11 claimed<br />

that "as the new President was sworn in, Rockefeller had become a considerably less<br />

likely prospect than either Senator Howard Baker of Tennessee or <strong>George</strong> <strong>Bush</strong>, the<br />

gregarious patrician and transplanted Texan who heads the Republican National<br />

Committee." Columns like this one went on at length about the many disadvantages of<br />

choosing Rockefeller, not the least of which was that he would eclipse Ford.<br />

On August 10, Ford announced that he would poll Republicans at all levels across the<br />

country. Some expressed their preferences directly to the White House, but the

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