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George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography - Get a Free Blog

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institutionalized during the previous eight years, the regime became more and more rigid<br />

and inflexible. Active opposition, or even the dislocations occasioned by administration<br />

policies were therefore dealt with by the repressive means of the police state. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Bush</strong><br />

regime could not govern, but it could indict, and the Discrediting Committee was aways<br />

ready to vilify. Some observers spoke of a new form of bonapartism sui generis, but the<br />

most accurate description for the <strong>Bush</strong> combination was the "administrative fascism".<br />

<strong>Bush</strong>'s cabinet reflected several sets of optimizing criteria.<br />

<strong>The</strong> best way to attain a top cabinet post was to belong to a family that had been allied<br />

with the <strong>Bush</strong>-Walker clan over a period of at least half a century, and to have served as a<br />

functionary or fund-raiser for the <strong>Bush</strong> campaign. This applied to Secretary of State<br />

James Baker III, Secretary of the Treasury Nicholas Brady, Secretary of Commerce<br />

Robert Mosbacher, and <strong>Bush</strong>'s White House counsel and top political adviser, C. Boyden<br />

Gray.<br />

A second royal road to high office was to have been an officer of Kissinger Associates,<br />

the international consulting firm set up by <strong>Bush</strong>'s lifelong patron, Henry Kissinger. In this<br />

category we find Gen. Brent Scowcroft, the former chief of the Kiss Ass Washington<br />

office, and Lawrence Eagleburger, the dissipated wreck who was named to the number<br />

two post in the State Department, Undersecretary of State. Eagleburger had been the<br />

president of Kissinger Associates. <strong>The</strong> ambassadorial (or proconsul) list was also rife<br />

with Kissingerian pedigrees: a prominent one was John Negroponte, <strong>Bush</strong>'s ambassador<br />

to Mexico.<br />

Overlapping with this last group were the veterans of the 1974-77 Ford Administration,<br />

one of the most freemasonic in recent US history. National Security Council Director<br />

Brent Scowcroft, for example, was simply returning to the job that he had held under<br />

Ford as Kissinger's alter ego inside the White House. Dick Cheney, who eventually<br />

became Secretary of Defense, had been Ford's White House chief of staff. Cheney had<br />

been Executive Assistant to the Director of Nixon's Office of Economic Opportunity way<br />

back in 1969. In 1971 he had joined Nixon's White House staff as Don Rumsfeld's<br />

deputy. From 1971 to 1973, Cheney was at the Cost of Living Council, working as an<br />

enforcer for the infamous Phase II wage freeze in Nixon's "Economic Stabilization<br />

Program." <strong>The</strong> charming Carla Hills, who became <strong>Bush</strong>'s Trade Representative, had been<br />

Ford's Secretary of Housing and Urban Development. William Seidman and James Baker<br />

(and Federal Reserve Board Chairman Alan Greenspan, a Reagan holdover who was the<br />

chairman of Ford's Council of Economic Advisers) had also been in the picture under<br />

Jerry Ford.<br />

<strong>Bush</strong> also extended largesse to those who had assisted him in the election campaign just<br />

concluded. At the top of this list was Governor John Sununu of New Hampshire, who<br />

would have qualified as the modern Nostradamus for his exact prediction of <strong>Bush</strong>'s 9%<br />

margin of victory over Dole in the New Hampshire primary --unless he had helped to<br />

arrange it with vote fraud.

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