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George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography - Get a Free Blog

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ack to vice presidential candidate <strong>George</strong> <strong>Bush</strong> in a dinner meeting held at the Alibi<br />

Club. It is certain from the evidence that there were negotiations with the Mullahs by the<br />

Reagan-<strong>Bush</strong> camp, and that <strong>Bush</strong> was heavily involved at every stage.<br />

In early September, <strong>Bush</strong>'s brother Prescott <strong>Bush</strong> became involved with a letter to James<br />

Baker in which he described his contacts with a certain Herbert Cohen, a consultant to the<br />

Carter Administration on Middle East matters. Cohen had promised to abort any possible<br />

Carter moves to "politicize" the hostage issue by openly denouncing any machinations<br />

that Carter might attempt. Prescott offered Baker a meeting with Cohen. Were it not fot<br />

the power of the Brown Brothers, Harriman/Skull and Bones networks, <strong>George</strong>'s brother<br />

Prescott <strong>Bush</strong> might have become something likt the Billy Carter of the 1980's.<br />

In September-October 1980 there was a meeting at the L'Enfant Plaza Hotel in<br />

Washington among Richard Allen, Bud McFarlane, Laurence Silberman of the Reagan-<br />

<strong>Bush</strong> campaign and a mysterious Iranian representative, thought to be an emissary of<br />

Iranian asset Hashemi Rafsanjani, an asset of US intelligence who was becoming one of<br />

the most powerful mullahs in Khomeini's entourage. <strong>The</strong> Iranian representative offered a<br />

deal whereby "he could get the hostages released directly to our campaign before the<br />

election," Silberman recalls. Allen has claimed that he cut this meeting short after twenty<br />

minutes. Allen, McFarlane, and Silberman (later named a federal judge) all failed to<br />

report this approach to the White House, the State Department, or other authorities.<br />

On September 22, Iraq invaded Iran, starting a war that would last until the middle of<br />

1988 and which would claim more than a million lives. <strong>The</strong> US intelligence estimate had<br />

been that Khomeini and the mullahs were in danger of losing power by the end of 1980<br />

because of their incompetence, corruption, and benighted stupidity. US and other western<br />

intelligence agencies, especially the French, thereupon encouraged Iraq to attack Iran,<br />

offering the prospect of an easy victory. <strong>The</strong> easy victory" analysis was incorporated into<br />

a "secret" CIA report which was delivered to the Saudi Arabian government with the<br />

suggestion that it be leaked to Iraq. <strong>The</strong> real US estimate was that a war with Iraq would<br />

strengthen Khomeini against reformers who looked to President Bani-Sadr, and that the<br />

war emergency would assist in the imposition of a "new dark ages" regime in Iran. An<br />

added benefit was that Iran and Iraq as warring states would be forced vastly to increase<br />

their oil production, forcing down the oil price on the world market and thus providing<br />

the bankrupt US dollar with an important subsidy in terms of the dollar's ability to<br />

command basic commodities in the real world. Bani-Sadr spoke in this connection of "an<br />

oil crisis in reverse" as a result of the Iran-Iraq war.<br />

President Bani-Sadr, who was later deposed in a coup d'etat by Khomeini, Rafsanjani,<br />

and Beheshti, has recalled that during this period Khomeini decided to bet on Reagan-<br />

<strong>Bush</strong>. "So what if Reagan wins," said Khomeini. "Nothing will really change since he<br />

and Carter are both enemies of Islam." [fn 39]<br />

This was the time of the Reagan-Carter presidential debates, and Casey's operation had<br />

also yielded booty in this regard. <strong>Bush</strong> ally and then Congressman David Stockman

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