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George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography - Get a Free Blog

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the Khmer Rouge was provided by Kissinger and Nixon, through their systematic<br />

campaign of terror bombing against Cambodian territory during 1973. This was called<br />

Arclight, and began shortly after the January, 1973 Paris accords on Vietnam. With the<br />

pretext of halting a Khmer Rouge attack on Phnom Penh, US forces carried out 79,959<br />

officially confirmed sorties with B-52 and F-111 bombers against targets inside<br />

Cambodia, dropping 539,129 tons of explosives. Many of these bombs fell upon the most<br />

densely populated sections of Cambodia, including the countryside around Phnom Penh.<br />

<strong>The</strong> number of deaths caused by this genocidal campaign has been estimated as between<br />

30,000 and 500,000. [fn 7] Accounts of the devastating impact of this mass terror<br />

bombing leave no doubt that it shattered most of what remained of Cambodian society<br />

and provided ideal preconditions for the further expansion of the Khmer Rouge<br />

insurgency, in much the same way that the catastrophe of the First World War weakened<br />

European society so as to open the door for the mass irrationalist movements of fascism<br />

and Bolshevism.<br />

During 1974, the Khmer Rouge consolidated their hold over parts of Cambodia. In these<br />

enclaves they showed their characteristic methods of genocide, dispersing the inhabitants<br />

of the cities into the countryside, while executing teachers, civil servants, intellectuals--<br />

sometimes all those who could read and write. This policy was remarkably similar to the<br />

one being carried out by the US under <strong>The</strong>odore Shackley's Operation Phoenix in<br />

neighboring South Vietnam, and Kissinger and other officials began to see the potential<br />

of the Khmer Rouge for implementing the genocidal population reductions that had now<br />

been made the official doctrine of the US regime.<br />

Support for the Khmer Rouge was even more attractive to Kissinger and Nixon because it<br />

provided an opportunity for the geopolitical propitiation of the Maoist regime in China.<br />

Indeed, in the development of the China card between 1973 and 1975, during most of<br />

<strong>Bush</strong>'s stay in Beijing, Cambodia loomed very large as the single most important bilateral<br />

issue between the US and Red China. Already in November, 1972 Kissinger told <strong>Bush</strong>'s<br />

later prime contact Qiao Guanhua that the US would have no real objection to a<br />

Sihanouk-Khmer Rouge government of the type that later emerged: "Whoever can best<br />

preserve it [Cambodia] as an independent neutral country, is consistent with our policy,<br />

and we believe with yours," said Kissinger [fn 8] Zhou En-lai told Kissinger in February,<br />

1973 that if North Vietnam were to extend its domination over Cambodia, this "would<br />

result in even greater problems."<br />

When <strong>Bush</strong>'s predecessor David Bruce arrived in Beijing to open the new US Liason<br />

Office in the spring of 1973, he sought contact with Zhou En-lai. On May 18, 1973 Zhou<br />

stressed that the only solution for Cambodia would be for North Vietnamese forces to<br />

leave that country entirely. A few days later Kissinger told Chinese delegate Huang Hua<br />

in New York that US and Red Chinese interests in Cambodia were compatible, since both<br />

sought to avoid "a bloc which could support the hegemonial objectives of outside<br />

powers," meaning North Vietnam and Hanoi's backers in Moscow. <strong>The</strong> genocidal terror<br />

bombing of Cambodia was ordered by Kissinger during this period. Kissinger was<br />

apoplectic over the move by the US Congress to prohibit further bombing of Cambodia<br />

after August 15, 1973, which he called "a totally unpredictable and senseless event." [fn

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