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George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography - Get a Free Blog

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During the Reagan years, <strong>Bush</strong> was given a much-publicized assignment as head of the<br />

South Florida Task Force and related efforts that were billed as part of a "war on drugs."<br />

In 1975, President Ford had ordered the CIA to collect intelligence on narcotics<br />

trafficking overseas, and also to "covertly influence" foreign offocials to help US antidrug<br />

activities. How well did <strong>Bush</strong> carry out this critical part of his responsibilities?<br />

Poorly, according to a Justice Department "Report on Inquiry into CIA-Related<br />

Electronic Surveillance Activities," which was compiled in 1976, but which has only<br />

partly come into the public domain. What emerges is a systematic pattern of coverup that<br />

recalls Lapham's spurious arguments in the Leletier case. Using the notorious stonewall<br />

that the first responsibility of the CIA was to shield its own "methods and sources" from<br />

being exposed, the agency expressed fear "that the confidentiality of CIA's overseas<br />

collection methods and sources would be in jeopardy should discovery proceedings<br />

require disclosure of the CIA's electronic surveillance activities." [fn 52] This caused<br />

"several narcotics invesitgations and'or prosecutions...to be terminated."<br />

It was during 1976 that <strong>Bush</strong> met the Panamanian leader Manuel Antonio Noriega.<br />

According to Don Gregg, this meeting took place on the edges of a luncheon conference<br />

with several other visiting Panamanian officials.<br />

This all makes an impressive catalogue of debacles in the area of covert operations. But<br />

what about the intelligence product of the CIA, in particular the National Intelligence<br />

Estimates that are the centerpiece of the CIA's work. Here <strong>Bush</strong> was to oversee a<br />

maneuver markedly to enhance the influence of the pro-Zionist wing of the intelligence<br />

community.<br />

As we have already seen, the idea of new procedures allegedly designed to evaluate the<br />

CIA's track record in intelligence analysis had been kicking around in Leo Cherne's<br />

PFIAB for some time. In June, 1976, <strong>Bush</strong> accepted a proposal from Leo Cherne to carry<br />

out an experiment in "competitive analysis" in the area of National Intelligence Estimates<br />

of Soviet air defenses, Soviet missle accuracy, and overall Soviet strategic objectives.<br />

<strong>Bush</strong> and Cherne decided to conduct the competitive analysis by commissioning two<br />

separate groups, each of which would present and argue for its own conclusions. On the<br />

one, Team A would be the CIA's own National Intelligence Officers and their staffs. But<br />

there would also be a separate Team B, a group of ostensibly independent outside<br />

experts.<br />

<strong>The</strong> group leader of Team B was Harvard history professor Richard Pipes, who was<br />

working in the British Museum in London when he was appointed by <strong>Bush</strong> and Cherne.<br />

Pipes had enjoyed support for his work from the office of Senator Henry Jackson, which<br />

had been one of the principal incubators of a generation of whiz kids and think tankers<br />

whose entire strategic outlook revolved around the stated or unstated premiss of the<br />

absolute primacy of supporting Israel in every imaginable excess or adventure, while<br />

frequently sacrificing vital US interests in the process.

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