George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography - Get a Free Blog

ecorded a broadcast to the US forces in the Gulf, which was beamed to Saudi Arabia by
the Armed Forces Radio. "Soldiers of peace will always be more than a match for a tyrant
bent on aggression," Bush told the troops. During early September, it became evident that
that the US and Soviet approaches to the Gulf crisis were beginning to show some signs
of divergence. Up to this point, Foreign Minister Shevardnadze had backed every step
made by Bush and Baker, but the US Gulf intervention was not popular among Red
Army commanders and among Soviet Moslems who were disturbed by the infidel
occupation of the holy places. On September 9, Bush met with Gorbachov in Helsinki,
Finnland in order to discuss this and other matters of interest to a condominium in which
the Anglo-Saxons were now more than ever the senior partners. Gorbachov spoke up for
"a political solution" to the conflict, but his government willingly took part in every vote
of the UN Security Council which opened the way to the Gulf war. A few days later, on
September 15, Bush received precious support from his masonic brother Francois
Mitterrand, who exploited a trifling incident involving French diplomatic premises in
Kuwait -- the sort of thing that Bush had done repeatedly in Panama -- massively to
escalate the French troop presence and rhetoric in the Gulf. "C'est une aggression, et nous
allons y repondre," said the master of the Grand Orient; the spirit of Suez 1956, the spirit
of the Algerian war and of Dienbienphu were alive and well in France.
To while away the weeks of the buildup, Bush busied himself with extortion. This was
directed especially against Germany and Japan, two countries that were targets of the
Gulf war, and whom Bush now called upon to pay for it. The constitutions of these
countries prevented them from sending military contingents, and intervention would have
been unpopular with domestic public opinion in any case. Japan was assessed $4 billion
in tribute, and Germany a similar sum. By the end of the crisis, Bush and Baker had
organized a $55 billion shakedown at the expense of a series of countries. These
combined to produce the first balance of payments surplus for the United States in recent
memory during the first quarter of 1991, obtaining a surcease for the dollar.
But even prediscounting this extorted tribute, the fiscal crisis of the US Treasury was
becoming overwhelming. On September 11, Bush was to address the Congress on the
need for austerity measures to reduce the deficit for the coming fiscal year. But Bush did
not wish to appear before the Congress as a simple bankrupt; he wanted to strut before
them as a warrior. The resulting speech was a curious hybrid, first addressing the Gulf
crisis, and only then turning to the dolorous balance sheets of the regime. It was in this
speech that Bush repeated the Scowcroft slogan that will accompany his regime into the
dust bin of history: The New World Order. After gloatingly quoting Gorbachov's
condemnation of "Iraq's aggression," Bush came to the relevant passage:
Clearly, no longer can a dictator count on East-West confrontation to stymie concerted
United Nations action against aggression. A new partnership of nations has begun, and
we stand today at a unique and extraordinary moment. The crisis in the Persian Gulf, as
grave as it is, also offers a rare opportunity to move toward an historic period of
cooperation. Out of these troubled times, our fifth objective --a new world order-- can
emerge: A new era-- freer from the threat of terror, stronger in the pursuit of justice and