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George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography - Get a Free Blog

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<strong>The</strong>se funds, argued the <strong>Bush</strong>men, would then be invested high-tech plant and<br />

equipment, creating new jobs and new production. In reality, the funds would have<br />

flowed into bigger and better leveraged buyouts, which were still being attempted after<br />

the crash of the junk bond market with the failure of the United Airlines buyout in<br />

October, 1989. But <strong>Bush</strong> had no serious interest in, or even awarenss of, commodity<br />

production. His policies had now brought the country to a brink of a financial panic in<br />

which 75% of the current prices of all stocks, bonds, debentures, mortgages, and other<br />

financial paper would be wiped out.<br />

Not quite halfway through his dismal first hundred days, <strong>Bush</strong> was moved to defend<br />

himnself against charges that he was presiding over a debacle. On day 45 of the new<br />

regime, <strong>Bush</strong> told reporters that he had talked on the phone to a certain Robert W. Blake,<br />

an oilman of Lubbock, Texas, the city which Neil <strong>Bush</strong> and John Hinckley had called<br />

home for a while in the late 1970's. Blake had allegedly told <strong>Bush</strong> that "all the people in<br />

Lubbock think things are going great." Armed with this testimonial, <strong>Bush</strong> defended his<br />

handling of the presidency: "It's not adrift and there isn't malaise," he said, answering<br />

columnists who had suggested that the country had fallen through a time warp back to the<br />

days of Jimmy Carter. "So I would simply resist the clamor that nothing seems to be<br />

bubbling around, that nothing is happening. A lot is happening. Not all of it good, but a<br />

lot is happening." <strong>Bush</strong> described his oilman friend Blake as "a very objective<br />

spokesman," and stated this his personal rule was "never get all too uptight about stuff<br />

that hasn't reached Lubbock yet." [fn 11]<br />

If there was a constant note in <strong>Bush</strong>'s first year in office, it was a callously flaunted<br />

contempt for the misery of the American people. During the spring of 1989, the Congress<br />

passed a bill that would have raised the minimum wage in interstate commerce from<br />

$3.55 per hour to $4.55 per hour by a series of increments over three years. This<br />

legislation would even have permitted a subminimum wage that could be paid to certain<br />

newly hired workers over a 60-day training period. <strong>Bush</strong> vetoed this measure because the<br />

$4.55 minimum wage was 30 cents an hour higher than he wanted, and because he<br />

demanded a subminimum wage for all new employees for the first six months on the job,<br />

regardless of their previous experience or training. On June 14, 1989, the House of<br />

Representatives failed to override this veto, by a margin of 37 votes. (Later, <strong>Bush</strong> signed<br />

legislation to raise the minimum wage to $4.25 per hour over two years, with a<br />

subminimum training wage applicable only to teenagers and only during the first 90 days<br />

of the teenagers' employment, with the possibility of a second 90-day training wage stint<br />

if they moved on to a different employer.) [fn 12]<br />

This was the same <strong>George</strong> <strong>Bush</strong> who had proposed $164 billion for bankrupt S&Ls, and<br />

$8 billion for the International Monetary Fund, all without batting an eye.<br />

Before Christmas, 1988, and during other holiday periods, <strong>Bush</strong> customarily joined his<br />

billionaire crony William Stamps Farrish III at his Lazy F Ranch near Beeville, Texas,<br />

for the two men's traditional holiday quail hunt. This was the same William Stamps<br />

Farrish III whose grandfather, the president of Standard Oil of New Jersey, had financed<br />

Heinrich Himmler. William Stamps Farrish III's investment bank in Houston, W.S.

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