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George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography - Get a Free Blog

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would be <strong>Bush</strong>, but he wasn't all that happy about it." [fn 29] But this was not yet the last<br />

word.<br />

Casey, Meese, and Deaver sounded out Ford, who was reluctant but did not issue a<br />

categorical rejection. Stuart Spencer, Ford's 1976 campaign manager, reported to Reagan<br />

on his contacts with Ford. ''Ron,' Spencer said, 'Ford ain't gonna do it, and you're gonna<br />

pick <strong>Bush</strong>.' But judging from Reagan's reaction, Spencer recalled later, "<strong>The</strong>re was no<br />

way he was going to pick <strong>Bush</strong>,'and the reason was simple: Reagan just didn't like the<br />

guy. "It was chemistry,' Spencer said. [fn 30]<br />

Reagan now had to be ground down by an assortment of Eastern Liberal Establishment<br />

perception-mongers and political heavies. Much of the well-known process of negotiation<br />

between Reagan and Ford for the "Dream Ticket" of 1980 was simply a charade to<br />

disorient and demoralize Reagan while eating up the clock until the point was reached<br />

when Reagan would have no choice but to make the classic phone call to <strong>Bush</strong>. It is<br />

obvious that Reagan offered the Vice Presidency to Ford, and that the latter refused to<br />

accept it outright, but engaged in a process of negotiations ostensibly in order to establish<br />

the conditions under which he might, eventually, accept. [ fn 31] Casey called in Henry<br />

Kissinger and asked him to intercede with Ford. What then developed was a marathon of<br />

haggling in which Ford was represented by Kissinger, Alan Greenspan, Jack Marsh, and<br />

Bob Barrett. Reagan was represented by Casey, Meese, and perception-monger Richard<br />

Wirthlin. Dick Cheney, Ford's former chief of staff and now <strong>Bush</strong>'s pro-genocide<br />

Secretary of Defense, also got into the act.<br />

<strong>The</strong> strategy of <strong>Bush</strong> and Casey was to draw out the talks, running out the clock until<br />

Reagan would be forced to pick someone. Inside the negotiations, the Ford camp made<br />

demand after demand. Would Ford have a voice on foreign policy and defense? Would<br />

he be a member of the cabinet? Would he become the White House chief of staff? At the<br />

same time, leaks were made to the press about the negotiations and how sweeping<br />

constitutional issues were being haggled over in a classic smoke-filled room. <strong>The</strong>se leaks<br />

became more and more embarrassing, making it easy to convince Reagan that his imnage<br />

was being tarnished, that he ought to call off the talks and pick <strong>Bush</strong>.<br />

This complex strategy of intrigue culminated in Ford's notorious interview with Walter<br />

Cronkite, in which the CBS anchor man asked Ford if "It's got to be something like a copresidency?"<br />

"That's something Governor Reagan really ought to consider," replied Ford,<br />

which was not what a serious vice presidential candidate might say, but did correspond<br />

rather well to what "Jerry the Jerk" would say if he wanted to embarass Reagan and help<br />

<strong>Bush</strong>. As for Cronkite, was it possible that his coining of the term "co-presidency" was<br />

stimulated by someone from Prescott <strong>Bush</strong>'s old circles at CBS?<br />

Bombarded by the media now with the "co-president" thesis, Reagan began to see<br />

foreshadowings of a public relations debacle. Television reporters began to hype an<br />

imminent visit by Reagan and Ford to the convention to present the "Dream Ticket."<br />

Meese was despatched to Kissinger to demand a straight answer from the Ford camp.<br />

"Kissinger told Meese that the Ford side might not be able to have an answer until the

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