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George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography - Get a Free Blog

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agents?" Ledeen wanted to know. "Well, obviously we've had double agents but that's not<br />

officers of the agency," was <strong>Bush</strong>'s ambiguous reply. <strong>Bush</strong> went on:<br />

<strong>The</strong> great Soviet agents were recruited when the Soviet represented something ideologically.<br />

When they represented antifascism. That's when they got people like Philby. But the fact is that<br />

we've just went [sic] through a period in which we had hundreds of thousands of our young people<br />

out screaming against their government. Now they were totally opposed to their government, but<br />

they weren't pro-Soviet.<br />

<strong>Bush</strong> and Cline joined to praise the "benign covert political action" of the 1940's and<br />

1950's by which the CIA sent US intellectuals to Europe to talk to the Europeans. "We<br />

essentially won that ideological battle," said <strong>Bush</strong>.[fn 4]<br />

When Carter and Brzezinski played their treacherous China card in December, 1978,<br />

<strong>Bush</strong> was quick, despite his own miserable record on this issue, to launch a pre-election<br />

attack on Carter with an op-ed in the Washington Post. <strong>Bush</strong> harkened back to the day in<br />

December, 1975 (although <strong>Bush</strong> wrote October) when he, Ford, and Kissinger had sat<br />

down with Chairman Mao. From Mao's remarks that day, <strong>Bush</strong> says, it was clear that Red<br />

China was obsessed with the Soviet threat, and was willing to wait indefinitely for China<br />

to be reunited with Taiwan. Now Carter had broken diplomatic relations with Taiwan,<br />

begun the pullout of US forces, abrogated the US-Taiwan security treaty, and was<br />

winding down arms assistance to Taiwan. <strong>Bush</strong> was the man who had presided over the<br />

ejection of the Republic of China from the UN. It was a cheap shot for him to quote Peter<br />

Berger about the primaeval principle of morality that "one must not deliver one's friends<br />

to their enemies." After <strong>Bush</strong>'s support for Deng Xiao-ping after the 1989 Tein An Men<br />

massacre, the hypocrisy is even more obvious.<br />

But <strong>Bush</strong> had some other points to make against Carter. One was that when "black<br />

moderates in Rhodesia arranged with Prime Minister Ian Smith for the transfer of power<br />

and free elections, we [meaning Carter] threw in our lot with Marxist radicals."<br />

<strong>The</strong>n there was the Middle East, where "the Israelis announced that they were prepared to<br />

accept a final plan drafted with American help. But when Egypt raised the ante, we<br />

modified our position to accept the new Egyptian proposals, and when the Israelis refused<br />

to go along, we publicly kicked them in the shins." Even the Carter of Camp David, who<br />

split the Arab front with a separate peace between Israel and Egypt, was not Zionist<br />

enough for <strong>Bush</strong>.<br />

Apart from these public pronouncements, <strong>Bush</strong> was at work assembling a campaign<br />

machine.<br />

One of the central figures of the <strong>Bush</strong> effort would be James Baker III, <strong>Bush</strong>'s friend of<br />

ten years' standing. Baker's power base derived first of all from his family's Houston law<br />

firm, Baker & Botts, which was founded just after the end of the Civil War by defeated<br />

partizans of the Confederate cause. Judge Peter Gray and Walter Browne Botts<br />

established a law partnership in 1866, and this became Baker & Botts during the 1870's<br />

when James Baker (the great-grandfather of <strong>Bush</strong>'s Secretary of State) joined the firm.

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