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George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography - Get a Free Blog

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On November 5, Ford received Mrs. Shadrin at the White House. Mrs. Shadrin recalled<br />

Ford as "cold and austere," a man whose "eyes seemed glazed over like a bullfrog's while<br />

I talked." Ford was unwilling to make any committment on behalf of Shadrin. In the<br />

meantime, <strong>Bush</strong> had allowed Copaken to interview several CIA clandestine officers,<br />

including the last CIA contact to see Shadrin, one Cynthia Hausmann. This was<br />

considered a highly unusual favor by the DCI, even though Hausmann's cover had<br />

already been blown by Philip Agee. But in the end, Mrs. Shadrin concluded that her<br />

husband had been set up by the CIA, and that "she had been a fool to believe anything<br />

told her by <strong>George</strong> <strong>Bush</strong>...." [fn 57]<br />

Related dimensions of <strong>Bush</strong>'s intrigues at the CIA can only be hinted at. <strong>The</strong>re is for<br />

example the case of Ralph Joseph Sigler, an army segreant who worked as a double agent<br />

with the east bloc until he was found brutally murdered by electrocution in a motel in<br />

April, 1976. Among Sigler's belongings was a photograph of himself together with CIA<br />

Director <strong>Bush</strong>. [fn 58]<br />

<strong>The</strong> question raised by these cases was almost universally dodged during the 1988<br />

election campaign: "Do the American people really want to elect a former director of the<br />

CIA as their President," as Tom Wicker posed it in the New York Times of April 29,<br />

1988. "That's hardly been discussed so far; but it seems obvious that a CIA chief might<br />

well be privy to the kind of 'black' secrets that could later make him-- as a public figure-subject<br />

to blackmail." Here is one area where we can be sure that we have only scratched<br />

the surface.<br />

As he managed the formidable world-wide capabilities of the CIA during 1976, <strong>Bush</strong> was<br />

laying the groundwork for his personal advancement to higher office and greater power<br />

in the 1980's. As we have seen, there was some intermittent speculation during the year<br />

that, in spite of what Ford had promised the Senate, <strong>Bush</strong> might show up as Ford's<br />

running mate after all. But, at the Republican convention, Ford chose Kansas Senator<br />

Bob Dole for vice-president. If Ford had won the election, <strong>Bush</strong> would certainly have<br />

attempted to secure a further promotion, perhaps to Secretary of State, Defense, or<br />

Treasury as a springboard for a new presidential bid of his own in 1980. But if Carter<br />

won the election, <strong>Bush</strong> would attempt to raise the banner of the non-political status of the<br />

CIA in order to convince Carter to let him stay at Langley during the period 1977-81 as a<br />

"non-partisan" administrator.<br />

Carter and <strong>Bush</strong> were not destined to get along. Carter wore the mask of the cult of<br />

Dionysios, demanding that the secrets of the inner temple be thrown open to the plebs for<br />

which he pretended to act as tribune. <strong>Bush</strong> wore the mask of the temple of Apollo, and<br />

argued in public for the sanctity of state secrets and the priority of covert operations<br />

while he secretly deployed his own irregular armies. Carter had implicitly attacked <strong>Bush</strong><br />

during the early phases of the presidential campaign in an August 12 speech in which the<br />

Georgian had denigrated the Ford Administration as a "dumping ground for unsuccessful<br />

candidates, faithful political partisans, out-of-favor White House aides and<br />

representatives of the special interests." That day, <strong>Bush</strong> had travelled to Plains, Geergia<br />

to provide Carter with a five-hour intelligence briefing. Reporters asked <strong>Bush</strong> about

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