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George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography - Get a Free Blog

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who was also a director of Dwayne Andreas's Archer-Daniels-Midland Corp. Andreas<br />

was a large financial backer of the "Zionist Lobby" through the Anti-Defamation League<br />

of B'Nai B'Rith.<br />

Gulf Resources chairman Robert H. Allen received the "Torch of Liberty" award of the<br />

Anti-Defamation League in 1982. Allen was a white Anglo-Saxon conservative. No<br />

credible reason for this award was supplied to the press, and the ADL stated their<br />

satisfaction that Mr. Allen's financing of the Watergate break-in was simply a mistake,<br />

now in the distant past.<br />

From the beginning of Gulf Resources, there was always a representative on its board of<br />

New York's Bear Stearns firm, whose partner Jerome Kohlberg, Jr., pioneered leveraged<br />

buyouts and merged with <strong>Bush</strong>'s Henry Kravis. <strong>The</strong> most prestigious board member of<br />

Allen's Gulf Resources was <strong>George</strong> A. Butler, otherwise the chairman of Houston's Post<br />

Oak Bank. Butler represented the ultra-secretive W. S. ("Auschwitz") Farish III,<br />

confidant of <strong>George</strong> <strong>Bush</strong> and U.S. host of Queen Elizabeth. Farish was the founder and<br />

controlling owner of Butler's Post Oak Bank, and was chairman of the bank's executive<br />

committee as of 1988. [fn 18]<br />

A decade after Watergate, it was revealed that the Hunt family had controlled about 15<br />

per cent of Gulf Resources shares. This Texas oil family hired <strong>George</strong> <strong>Bush</strong> in 1977 to be<br />

the executive committee chairman of their family enterprise, the First International Bank<br />

in Houston. In the 1980s, Ray Hunt secured a massive oil contract with the ruler of North<br />

Yemen under the sponsorship of then-Vice President <strong>Bush</strong>. Ray Hunt continues in the<br />

1991-92 presidential campaign as <strong>George</strong> <strong>Bush</strong>'s biggest Texas financial angel.<br />

Here, in this one powerful Houston corporation, we see early indications of the alliance<br />

of <strong>George</strong> <strong>Bush</strong> with the "Zionist lobby"--an alliance which for political reasons the <strong>Bush</strong><br />

camp wishes to keep covert. <strong>The</strong>se, then, are the Anglo-American moguls whose money<br />

paid for the burglary of the Watergate Hotel. It was their money that Richard Nixon was<br />

talking about on the famous "smoking gun" tape which lost him the Presidency. (In 1983,<br />

British investor Alan Clore moved in for a hostile takeover of Gulf Resources and<br />

Chemical Corp. Senator John Tower, Republican from Texas, argued that the government<br />

should stop the takeover on grounds of "national security", since the company controlled<br />

the materials for the world's nuclear weapons. Certainly, the management of such an<br />

enterprise is closely supervised by the U.S. intelligence community. It is then obvious<br />

why a Congressional probe that led through Liedtke and <strong>Bush</strong> to the secret services had<br />

to be sabotaged.)<br />

On Oct. 3, 1972, the House Banking and Currency Committee voted 20-15 against<br />

continuing chairman Wright Patman's investigation. <strong>The</strong> vote prevented the issuance of<br />

23 subpoenas for CREEP officials to come testify to Congress. <strong>The</strong> margin of protection<br />

to the moguls was provided by six Democratic members of the Committee who voted<br />

with the Republicans against chairman Patman. As CREEP chairman Maurice Stans put<br />

it, "<strong>The</strong>re were...indirect approaches to Democratic [committee] members. An all-out<br />

campaign was conducted to see that the investigation was killed off, as it successfully

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