Sikh Virsa Epaper Calgary Edition August 2021

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Buy/Sell/Lease, Any kind of Real Estate : 403-681-8689Mandi, Market& Modi(Cont. from last edition)If the current securityapparatus has behaved in muchthe same manner as the oneserving the British Empire, theleadership opposing it todayalso finds precursors in the 1907agitation. One of the mostprominent leaders of thatagitation was Ajit Singh, whowas then exiled to Burma for hisrole in it. Released soon after,he left India for Iran and thenEurope, and forged connectionswith various Left revolutionaryorganisations in Europe andBrazil. He eventually drewclose to the Ghadar Party, agroup of Indian revolutionariesmostly from Punjab who wereto return to India afteremigrating to the United States.Through this period, the lettershe sent back home had a stronginfluence on his nephew, BhagatSingh.The Ghadar Party andBhagat Singh’s NaujawanSabha were to become thesource of many of the streamsof Left thinking that have beenpart of Punjab’s twentiethcenturypolitics. Several ofthese lie outside the traditionalLeft spanned by the CPI-CPMcombine, and their adherentshave been involved in landstruggles on several occasions.Perhaps the most significantof such movements in Punjabwas the Praja MandalMovement against the thenmaharaja of Patiala thegrandfather of Punjab’s currentchief minister, AmarinderSingh. Over a period of time,representatives of the maharajahad virtually taken overproprietary rights in many partsof Patiala state, which extendedinto modern-day Haryana andHimachal Pradesh. Themovement began in 1928 byresisting their demands fortenancy payments.Both the Congress and theAkali Dal were initially part ofthis agitation, but it waseventually left to the PrajaMandal to carry on the fightalone. Termed the Muzara, ortenant, movement, it lasted till1953, when a Tenants RightsAct was finally passed. Theinfluence of this movement hasleft a strong legacy of Leftprotests on behalf of bothmarginal farmers and thelandless in southeastern Punjab.Many of the Left unions activein such struggles have shunnedelectoral politics and, as aresult, are not visible toobservers looking into Punjabfrom the outside.The core of the support forthe Aam Aadmi Party in Punjabin the state’s last legislativeelection lay in exactly theregion the Praja Mandal hadbeen active: the Malwa, whichlies near the Satluj River. TheAAP’s attempts to run itsPunjab unit from Delhi led toits defeat and decay in Punjab,but the impetus behind its riseis still alive in this movement.The support for the farmprotests takes a different formin other parts of the state. Theethos of the protestors fromDoaba, which lies between theSatluj and the Beas, and theMajha, which lies north of theBeas, is less influenced by theLeft and more overtly Sikh.This distinction is still visibleat the two protest sites ofSinghu and Tikri. JoginderSingh Ugrahan epitomises theLeft history of struggle inPunjab and, while his cadre ispredominantly Jutt Sikh, theethos is more austere, moreconstrained. Singhu has farmore of the flavourconventionally associated withPunjab the musicians, the noise,the celebration and swagger.The two protest sites linkback to the entire state. Thereis not a village in Punjabunaffected by the protests ordisassociated from them.Normally ridden with factions,each village has organised itselfHartosh Singh Balaround the protests.Representatives take turns totravel to and stay at the protests,as well as to replenish stocks offood at the sites. Strikingly, themovement is entirely outside thecontrol or influence of anypolitical party in Punjab.Despite their Leftleadership, the protests at bothTikri and Singhu draw upon theSikh ethos from the idea of thelangar to the largely spontaneousand decentralisedorganisation that runs theprotest sites. It is this Sikh ethosthat also explains why farmersfrom Punjab were the first toSikh Virsa, Calgary 94. August 2021
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