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MEDIA LITERACY AND INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE<br />
Strategies, Debates and Good Practices<br />
<br />
about”? No, we are not sure of what they are talking about! Who is doing this in<br />
Bangkok? The lifestyle promoted by the rappers reminds instead of the<br />
Hollywood film “The Hangover II” (2011), rated by Bangkok Post film reviewer<br />
Kong Rithee as one of the worst sequels he has ever seen, yet celebrated<br />
because set in Thailand is drawing big crowds. After the release of the<br />
Hollywood movie, the Internet was inundated with tourist promotional websites<br />
of Bangkok and Thailand. Travel Happy.info is an interesting example to refer to<br />
because it both identifies the places represented in the movie, and critically<br />
acknowledges how the media and Hollywood industry manufacture and distort<br />
reality. Many of the places represented in Hangover II do not exist in reality,<br />
rather were built in Los Angeles as interior sets. This note brings us back to the<br />
functioning of systems of representation and the social construction of meaning.<br />
Stuart Hall (1997) defines representation as “the way in which meaning is given<br />
to the things depicted (…) Your work of representation is your measuring of the<br />
gap between what you think is the true meaning of an event or object and how it<br />
is presented in the media” (p.6). Media literacy is key in measuring this gap and<br />
investigating representations critically from within.<br />
The Bangkok City music video alternates outdoor and indoor shots. Da<br />
Endorphine, who is never outdoor and who is always dressed in black, lifts her<br />
finger up to the sky (as it also happens in Empire State of Mind) and invites Thai<br />
people to “Announce for the world to know that this is Bangkok City, Explain it<br />
so they understand, That this is the city of the Thai people”. What we see at this<br />
point in the video (and in later scenes) is on one hand the strong sense of<br />
belonging to the “Chat Thai” (the Thai nation) and “kwam pen Thai” (Thainess);<br />
on the other hand, the promotion of these values through the re-appropriation of<br />
the dominant codes and systems of representation (looks, rapper style, English<br />
language, glamorous life, money, ideas of modernity, technology and so on)<br />
that are best understood by the west.<br />
This nexus of local and global allows us to configure the Thai community as<br />
transnational. Vertovec and Cohen (1999) maintain, “people who embody<br />
transnationalism weave their collective identities out of multiple affiliations and<br />
positionings and link their cross- cutting belongingness with complex<br />
attachments and multiple allegiances to issues, peoples, places and traditions<br />
beyond the boundaries of their resident nation- states” (p.189). This video<br />
becomes a hybrid space where strong pride and allegiance to the nation is<br />
manifested, yet multiple affiliations beyond the nation- state are also<br />
established. The intercultural dialogue that takes place between Thai and non-<br />
Thai people and the physical or mediated mobility of individuals in social spaces<br />
(east and west) play an important role in the configuration of new identities.<br />
The concepts of culture and identity are inseparable and co- constitute each<br />
other. Stuart Hall envisions cultural identities as “symbolic articulations that are<br />
a matter of ‘becoming’ as well as ‘being’, having histories, yet undergoing<br />
constant transformation. Far from being externally fixed in some essentialised<br />
past, they are subject to the continuous ‘play’ of history, culture and power” (cit.<br />
in K. Woodward, 1997, p.54). The symbols that are in the texture of cultures<br />
operate to form identities and build societies. One may argue that the strong<br />
western- centric discourses that permeate everywhere in Bangkok (omnipresent<br />
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