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building the american landscape - Univerza v Novi Gorici

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of a nineteenth century company‐town was <strong>the</strong> town of George Pullman (1831‐<br />

1897), <strong>the</strong> rich industrialist who invented <strong>the</strong> well‐known sleeping cars. The Pullman<br />

company‐town (1880), 4000 acres of land on <strong>the</strong> shores of Lake Calumet, south of<br />

Chicago, thought to be a model city and attraction during <strong>the</strong> World Columbian<br />

Exposition in 1893, was designed by <strong>the</strong> architect, Solon Spencer Beman (1853‐<br />

1914) in answer to <strong>the</strong> new demands for profit. The dreams of laissez faire were to<br />

be abruptly interrupted, not only by contradictions within <strong>the</strong> system (which<br />

regularly off‐loaded social costs on to <strong>the</strong> workers in times of crisis), but also by <strong>the</strong><br />

strikes triggered by <strong>the</strong> trade unions at <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> century. This made Pullman’s<br />

experiment appear to be a paternalistic experience, incapable of pacifying or<br />

calming class conflict. Ano<strong>the</strong>r example was <strong>the</strong> case of <strong>the</strong> company‐town of<br />

Lowell 157 (1820s), Massachusetts, which not only preceded Pullaman’s birth by<br />

more than half a century, but also appears to be of great interest for <strong>the</strong><br />

implications it presupposed for <strong>the</strong> <strong>landscape</strong> [Figure 67].<br />

Designed as a town for <strong>the</strong> textile sector and planned to exploit <strong>the</strong> hydraulic force<br />

of <strong>the</strong> rapids of <strong>the</strong> River Merrimack, Lowell became one of <strong>the</strong> largest industrial<br />

complexes of <strong>the</strong> United States in just a few decades 158 , and was far more<br />

competitive in its own right than a very large number of sou<strong>the</strong>rn territories. The<br />

importance of <strong>the</strong> geographical location of Lowell also explains <strong>the</strong> town’s<br />

commercial success. The reason why no similar towns existed in <strong>the</strong> South of <strong>the</strong><br />

United States was tackled by Stephen Goldfarb in his essay “A Note on Limits to <strong>the</strong><br />

Growth of <strong>the</strong> Cotton‐Textile Industry in <strong>the</strong> Old South” (1982), in which he also<br />

clarifies <strong>the</strong> economic motivations behind <strong>the</strong> previous affirmations:<br />

During <strong>the</strong> antebellum period <strong>the</strong> cotton‐textile industry in <strong>the</strong> South<br />

was far smaller than that in <strong>the</strong> North. As late as 1860 factories in<br />

Lowell, Massachusetts, operated more cotton spindles than factories in<br />

<strong>the</strong> eleven sou<strong>the</strong>rn states combined.[…]The South's early<br />

industrialization was impeded by its geography, which separated sites<br />

157 To study <strong>the</strong> Lowell case in depth cf. COOLIDGE, John, Mill and mansion: a study of architecture<br />

and society in Lowell, Massachusetts, 1820‐1865, New York, Columbia University Press, 1942; we<br />

recommend referring to <strong>the</strong> bibliography in this publication. For fur<strong>the</strong>r details, see LOWELL Trades<br />

and Labour Council (ed.), Lowell, a city of spindles, Lowell, Lawler & Company, printers, 1900<br />

158 See CLARK, Victor S., History of Manufactures in <strong>the</strong> United States 1607‐1860, 3 vols., New York,<br />

published for <strong>the</strong> Carnegie Institution of Washington, McGraw‐Hill book company inc., 1916<br />

93

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